The Lairds of Glenlyon: historical sketches relating to the districts of Appin, Glenlyon, and Breadalbane

ell (Duncan) The Lairds of
,n, Historical Sketches, relating to
tricts of Appin, Glenlyon, and Bread-
Privately Printed, 1886 ; post 4to,
-caret, £3, 1OS

GLENLYON BROOCH AND WALKING-STAFF.
(See P<ige 289 and Appendix.)

THE

airfos of

HISTORICAL SKETCHES

RELATING TO THE DISTRICTS OF

APPIN, GLENLYON, AND
BREADALBANE.

(PRINTED FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION.)

PERTH : S. COWAN & CO.

1886
[ENTERED AT STATIONERS' HALL.]

DA
so

PREFACE.

THE following Historical Sketches were first
published in the form of articles contributed
to the " Perthshire Advertiser " at various dates
between August, 1855, and June, 1858. Their
Author, Mr. Duncan Campbell, now of Inverness,
was at that time Parish Schoolmaster of Fortingall,
Glenlyon ; he was thoroughly conversant with the
topography, antiquities, and legends of the dis-
tricts of Appin, Glenlyon, and Breadalbane, and
had access to the family records preserved in Glen-
lyon House. The Sketches have been collected
by Sir Donald Currie of Garth and Glenlyon,
and carefully revised for him by the Author, with a
view to their reproduction in the present volume.

May, 1886.

INVERNESS, July ^th, 1885.

DEAR SIR DONALD CURRIE,— " The Lairds of
Glenlyon " which you are republishing for private
circulation from the old files of the Perthshire Advertiser ;
were written by me in weekly or fortnightly instalments,
long, long ago, when I was schoolmaster of Fortingall,
and as yet quite a young man. I was full of traditional
stories I had heard in my boyhood from my grandmother,
from Archibald M'Arthur, miller of St. Eonan's Mill, and
many other aged persons. I possessed papers left by my
grandfather, and had access to papers then at Glenlyon
House, which, at a time when repairs were going on, I had
the good fortune to save from being burned. Very few of
the papers went further back than 1670, and the few that
dated from 1620 did not tell much about Glenlyon. I had
therefore at first to rely upon tradition alone in respect to
the earlier history, and I found that while agreeing in the
main my chief informants, who were John M'Arthur alias
" Iain Mor Mac Rob," my grand-uncle, Donald M'Naughton
alias " Domhnull Ciotach," Archibald M'Diarmid alias
" Gilleasbuig Mor Scoileir," and the Kirkton of Fortingall
veteran soldier, John Campbell alias " Iain Caimbeul a
Chlaoidh," differed in details and modes of telling their
stories. Before the series of papers was concluded, The
Black Book of Taymouth came out ; and that gave me an
opportunity of supplementing and correcting traditions.

VI

The reprint will therefore contain within itself recorded
history, along with traditions. The proofs of this reprint
now before me contain all the purely traditional part, and
what strikes me most is its general faithfulness to recorded
history, and the elucidatory light it throws thereon. But
on the other hand traditions always confuse chronology and
obliterate or expand periods of time without remorse. I
have much pleasure in sending you for an appendix to the
reprint a few notes which will, I hope, help to give the book
a decent historical backbone, and to atone for the defects
of tradition.

I remain,

Yours truly,

DUNCAN CAMPBELL.

SIR DONALD CURRIE, K.C.M.G., M.P.

of Garth and Glenlyon,

Fortingall, Perthshire.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

i.

LENLYON stretches in a westerly direction between
Appin of Dull and Tyndrum. It lies wholly in
Perthshire, having Rannoch running parallel on the north
and Breadalbane on the south. The road to Tyndrum not
being open, as well as other reasons, have hitherto caused this
glen to be a little world by itself. The scenery is unique,
and beautiful throughout. The circular dale of Fortingall,
abounding in Druidic and Roman remains, forms the vesti-
bule. The traveller then enters the Pass of Chesthill, and
for three miles walks along the course of the Lyon, which,
hoarse-murmuring over its bed of honey-combed rocks,
and now and then hampered by cliffs jutting from either
side, gives one, by its twisting stream, crested with milky
foam, the idea of a half-strangled serpent wriggling along,
wounded but menacing. Lofty abrupt rocks, cloud-capped
above, and covered with woods at their base, adorn and
complete the scene. Emerging from the Pass, our traveller
now reaches the inhabited places, the beginning of the real
glen. Its conformation may be generally described as a
succession of long "bends," the angles of which consist

2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of mountain spurs, that so closely approximate at certain
points as to make the beholder think he has attained his
goal, and that the little opening before him has no ulterior,
beyond, at best, a small mountain corrie. His astonish-
ment increases as he enters another and still another "bend,"
in generals so like, but in particulars so dissimilar from,
the preceding ones. Thus the scene shifts from beginning
to end, a distance in all of thirty miles, while the average
breadth is not much above two. The hills, rising nearly
perpendicular from the bed of the river, give the whole
glen its individuality of character; but the surface changes
continually from bare rocks to verdant green — from woods
and purple heath to the rich pasture of the braes, in sum-
mer almost white, from the large intermixture of white
bed-straw (Galium sexatile) and eye-bright. The patches
of arable ground, formed upon the debris washed down
by mountain streams, are very fertile, but slow in ripen-
ing, as in most places the mountain tops intercept the
kindly sunbeams. In some places, indeed, the sun is not
seen for upwards of two months.

The present population does not exceed 600. Within
the memory of persons living, it was fully double this.
The population consists of large sheep-farmers, a few cot-
tars and tradesmen, with a very slight sprinkling of crofters
or small holders. There are an Established and a Free
Church and their respective schools, and also a Baptist
meeting-place. Three proprietors share among them the
whole glen — R. S. Menzies, Esq. of Culdares ; J. S. Men-
zies, Esq. of Chesthill ; and the Marquis of Breadalbane.
The last possesses the lands once held by the M'Gregors of
Roro, and in the braes which formerly made part of the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 3

royal forest of Bendaskerly, of which an ancestor of that
noble family, Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, was ap-
pointed hereditary forester by James VI.

The glen abounds in traditions and remains of the Fin-
galians. A chain of round towers stretches through its
whole length, which the people still call " Caistealan nam
Fiann," castles of the Fingalians. There is an old saying,
" Bha da chaisteal dheug aig Fionn an crom ghlean nan
garbh chlach " — " Fingal had twelve castles in the crooked
glen of large stones." Most of these ruins are to this day
pointed out. There are five of them at the place called
Cashlie (castles), each bearing the name of a known Fin-
galian chief. There can be little doubt these towers wrere
used both for protection and watch-towers, from which the
approach of danger was telegraphed far and near. It is no
argument against the latter view, that some of the towers
were not within sight of others ; the conformation of the
country rendered it impossible, granting that each dale and
valley was held by its own tribe of inhabitants, squatting
round their tower. It was in general only requisite that,
when the messenger of war arrived, the chief, by displaying
the beacon light from the top of the tower, could gather his
own followers without loss of time. In confirmation of this
view, we find that a tower, which is in sight of no other
one, still commands the whole glen or section of a glen in
which it is placed.

The chain of towers between Dunkeld and the borders
of Argyleshire must have been of much consequence, in-
deed, in the pre-historic annals of Scotland. There seems
little doubt this was the Drumalban of later historians. A
passage in a poem by the bard Douthal, on Mordubh, king

4 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of the Caledonians, still extant, speaks of Drumalban and
the beacon lignt as follows : —

" Tionailibh mo shuin o'n t'-seilg,"

Thubhairt Ceann-feadhna na' h-Alba.
" Soillsichibh srad air Druim-Feinne,

Is thig mo laoich o ghruaidh gach beinne."

Labhair Mordubh righ nan srath,

JS lionair crag tha 'g-innseadh an sgeul.

" Cal my heroes from the chase," said the Captain of Scot-
land. " Light a spark on Druim-Feinne (the high top of the
Fingalians — viz., Drumalban), and my warriors shall come
from the side of each hill. Mordubh, King of Straths, thus
spoke, and many a crag tells the tale." Captain of Scotland
— such is the title given to Mordubh as generalissimo in the
war, while his personal and ordinary rank was King of
Straths. King, in those days, was a name assumed by any
chief that had a decent following. The long bead-roll of
Caledonian kings anterior to Kenneth, was likely, to a con-
siderable extent, made up of the names of so many inde-
pendent chiefs, who, one way or another, made themselves
remarkable in their day, and many of whom must have lived
contemporaneously, and of whom few, perhaps, merited
the title of king, in the sense in which the annalists, misled
by the unity of their own times, so liberally bestowed it,
so as, indeed, to destroy the authority of their story.

Glenlyon is a mine of legends, or was so a few years be-
fore it was "swept." We may give a few in passing ; but our
principal object is to gather in one record the chief events in
the traditional history of a family that one unfortunate cir-
cumstance made too notorious in the history of Scotland —
the Campbells of Glenlyon. Before coming to the Lairds,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 5

however, it is necessary to pay homage to Holy Mother
Kirk, and relate the

LEGEND OF ST. EONAN.

St. Eonan (as tradition says) was the disciple of St.
Columba, but more correctly an alumnus of the Monastery
of lona, founded by St. Columba about 565. St. Eonan set
out in company with St. Fillan to instruct the rude inhabi-
tants of the Grampians in the doctrines of Christianity. The
whole land lay before them, and — like the patriarchs of old,
casting lots— Strathfillan, Balquhidder, &c., fell to St. Fillan ;
Glenlyon and its neighbourhood to Eonan. Civilization, of
yore as now, followed in the wake of the religion of the cross.
Both saints, in their different abodes, recommended their
spiritual doctrines to the people, by showing they could better
their temporal state. Fillan erected the mill at Killin ;
Eonan that of Milton Eonan in Glenlyon. During Eonan's
sojourn in the place of his pilgrimage, one of the dreadful
plagues that then so often depopulated Europe, broke out
over Scotland. At Fortingall it made such ravage that only
one survived — " an Ossian after the Fenians." This was
an old woman, who performed the duties of sexton, con-
veying the dead, by her grey horse and sledge, into one
hollow over which a heap of stones was afterwards raised,
still to be seen in the Haugh of Fortingall, and called the
" Cairn of the Dead.'"' What became of the heroine of the
grey horse, our Sennachies forget to tell ; but they say the
desert dale of Fortingall was subsequently repeopled by a
colony of the M'Dougals of Lorn, many of whose descendants
are still found there. As the plague extended up the glen,
St. Eonan's people, despairing of all human rescue, bethought

6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

themselves of the spiritual aid of their pastor, whose good
help they importuned in the following lines : —

Eonan nan gruaidhean dearg
Eirich, is caisg plaigh do shluaigh ;
Saor sinne bho'n Bhas
Is na leig oirnn e nios no 'n nuas.

" Eonan of the ruddy cheeks, rise and check the plague of
thy people. Save us from the death, and let it not come
upon us east or west." However unreasonable the request,
the prudent missionary found it expedient to temporise.
He assembled the people. The meeting was held in the
open air, within forty yards of a house in which a young
child was dying of the plague. He preached with success
the gospel of peace to the excited and horrified multitude.
He took, at the same time, all precautions within his reach,
separating the sound from the unsound, and did not hesitate
himself to discharge the duties of attendance on the dying,
while he sent their relations away to the mountain sheilings.
The plague soon stopped, and the people, of course, ascribed
their safety to the miraculous power of the saint. The rock
on which he prayed and preached in that dreadful crisis is
called Craig-dianaidh — i.e., " rock of safety." A rude cross,
set up by the wayside, was probably erected at a later
period, to excite the devotions of the faithful. The rock
was henceforward the place where neighbouring chiefs could
most safely meet in solemn conclave, both for judicial and
other purposes. Here was held the meeting, in which the
chief of the M'lvors, having refused to do justice to the foster-
brother of Stewart of Garth, brought upon himself the fate
related at length by General Stewart in his Sketches of the
Highlanders. Near the rock is Bodach Chraig-dianaidh) a

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 7

large round stone, which is to be placed on another flat one
some feet high. While the seniors were in council grave,
the young men, it is probable, were putting their strength
to the test in lifting the Bodach. There are at least two
other similar stones in the glen — one at Cashlie, eight miles
farther up ; and one at Lochs. Fingal, the grey-haired
King of Morven, would, it is said, allow no youth to bear
the warlike spear, or join the ranks of war until he lifted
one of the Bodachs.

When Eonan was dying, his people assembled to receive
his blessing, and asked where he wished to be buried. He
made the singular request that they should carry his corpse
down the water until the withs that attached the hand-
spikes to the bier broke, and there bury him. Faithful to
their trust, they proceeded downwards and downwards with
the remains of the saint, till the " dul " or withs broke at
Dull, where St. Eonan was buried, and to which he be-
queathed a name, and the potent magic of his sanctity. We
find, at the end of the tenth century, the Abthania of Dull
— a singular word, that puzzled eminent antiquaries — pos-
sessed by Crynyn, " Abthane of Dull, and Seneschal of the
Isles," who, as the father of Duncan (slain by Macbeth), and
husband of Beatrix, daughter of King Malcolm, was the
progenitor of a long line of princes. Doubtful tradition
says that Dull was the first seminary of education on the
mainland, and that, long before Kilreymonth or St. Andrews
merged into light, the Caledonian youths there imbibed the
learning of ancient Rome, and the comparatively pure doc-
trines of the monks of lona.

The saint's day was commemorated till of late by St.
Eonan's Fair at Dull. Strange that religion should, in

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

every case, be so ready to slide into worldly business and
pleasure ! The traffickers in the temple, and the caravans
of Mecca, are familiar examples ; and it would be in-
structive to inquire how many of the shrines of Catholic
saints have conferred benefits on the world by becoming
the centres of profane markets.

The little chapel built by St. Eonan, near the Bridge of
Balgie, was pulled down in the fourteenth century, and a new
one erected at a few hundred yards' distance, in the burial-
place of Brennudh. The old pyramidal hand-bell, used at
the religious ceremonies, is still preserved in the burial-
ground. Within forty years ago, the miller at Milton Eonan
would not grind on the saint's day, and a similar rest was,
till of late, observed at Killin on the day of St. Fillan.

II.

WE leap over several centuries. In the early times,
land was not of so much consequence in the eyes
of a chief as men. The " following " was his hereditary
property ; the land the prize of his sword. The strong clan
dispossessed the weak, and it again one weaker than itself
The boast of physical superiority on the part of the con-
querors, as well as the wresting from the conquered of the
lands of their habitation, and their means of existence, em-
bittered and prolonged the feuds of the Highlands. We are
often perplexed by sudden and unexplained changes of in-
habitants, and the introduction of new names, in the early
annals of Scotland, which, no doubt, were mostly owing to
the practical application of Coir a Chlaidheatnh — i.e., right
of the sword.

Glenlyon passed through many hands. According to
popular belief, the successive dynasties of lairds were divided
into sevens — thus, seven McGregors, seven Campbells, and so
to continue to the end of time. Towards the end of the
reign of David Bruce, a great chief, named lain D?ibk nan
lann — black John of the spears — was laird. At this time,
from some domestic feud in the family of the Knight of
Lochawe, his widowed daughter-in-law, the wife of his eldest
son — so tradition says — and her infant son, were forced to
abandon their native halls, and flee for refuge to Glenlyon.
Black John married the widow, and had by her a family of

IO THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

seven sons. The young Campbell, his dalta, or step-son,
was carefully nurtured. A neighbouring priest, probably
the prior of Sibilla's Island, in Lochtay, instructed him in
the knowledge of the times. Though deprived of his in-
heritance, the adage that " knowledge is power," being never
more true than in a barbarous age, he found himself superior
to most of the rude chiefs, and was looked upon by them
as an oracle — advantages which, by-and-bye, he turned
to account.

Probably before the time that Donald of the Isles raised
such commotions in the north — certainly during the regency
of Albany — the Chisholm, chief of that period, made a foray
to Glenlyon. The fiery cross was sent round the glen. All
able to carry arms met at Tom-na-cuartaig, the hillock of the
circle, near the chieftain's abode. The place is yet seen on
the hill of Kerrumore, near the bridge of Balgie. It is an
artificial mound of no great compass, circular, and level at
top, save where a broad belt stretches round the edge, like
a walk round a flower-plot. It seems to have been the
general muster-place, probably, too — the folkmote or place
of meeting for settling any dispute that might arise among
the people. Near it are some ruins called Tigh Iain Duibh
nan lann — " Black John of the Spear's house." It may be, a
little excavation here would tell tales of other days. On
the muster-ground, John and his men resolved to meet the
foe. Chisholm and his cearnaich crossed the river, and
were marching up the ascent. Black John prepared for
immediate battle. For his Leichteach or body-guard he had
his seven sons — four on the right, and three on the left ;
and, to make up the odd number, and equalise both sides, a
very manly fellow, a cobbler, who was, when summoned,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. II

busied in cutting buskins from the skins of slaughtered deer
for the men of war — M'Callum by name — was called out, and
stationed with the three on the left. The day was sultry.
Chisholm was oppressed by the weight of mailed armour
with which, as chief, he had invested himself. He raised
his visor, and put up his hand to wipe the blinding sweat
from his forehead. M'Callum — or, as he is better known,
the Greusaiche Riabhach — observed the movement. He
raised his bow ; the string twanged ; the Chisholm fell
from his horse, his right hand clinched to his bleeding
forehead by the fatal arrow. Black John's men, with a wild
iolach) dashed upon the amazed foe, fiercely attacked
them by the claymore, and left few or none to bring to
the north country the mournful tidings of their chieftain's
fate.

Bruce, by endeavouring — though unsuccessfully — to in-
stitute a quo warranto inquiry, alarmed while he irritated
the spirit of the chiefs and nobles. Henceforward they
prized more than formerly title-deeds and written docu-
ments. Campbell, the dalta of Iain Dubh, one day asked the
latter by what right he held his lands. The aged chief
pointed to his sword and armour. " Oh," says he, " but
there are surer safeguards than that. Age may tame the
warrior's strength ; misfortune may snap his bow ; the foe-
man's sword may deprive his people of their trust : then the
right goes as it came. But take my advice, and apply to
the king for a charter, which will not be refused, and the
royal sword and Scotland's laws become the pledge of your
security. More, you can rule your people and their posses-
sions from the grave ; for, according to your will shall your
descendants succeed for ever." " My dalta," replied John,

12 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

" you speak the words of wisdom. See and obtain the parch-
ment ; though, after all, I do not understand why the sword
is not a better guard than the sheep's skin." It was obtained
accordingly ; and, after his own seven sons and their issue,
Campbell's name was inserted as next in succession. Dur-
ing the troubled regency of Albany, all Iain Dubh's
sons but one perished by the sword. He succeeded his
father, but soon after died by an accident when hunting,
and left the property to the Campbells, in terms of the
charter.

The name of the first laird of the family of Campbell was
Archibald. We have reason to believe he was not John
Dubh's dalta, but the dalta's heir. He lived during the
first part of the sixteenth century. He was a wise man, and
fully conciliated the people to whose rule he had succeeded.
The M'Gregors of Roro, who appear to have been in some
way closely connected with the family of Iain Dubh, did
not dispute his rights ; they received him as the heir of the
chieftain — a kindness afterwards well repaid by the Camp-
bells of Glenlyon.

The second laird of the Campbell family was "Donnachadh
Ruadh na Feileachd " — Red Duncan of the hospitality. He
died in the year 1580. His profuse hospitality gained for
him a name not yet forgotten. Bands of Irish harpers came
to Scotland in his days. As the dispensers of fame, they
exacted good treatment and attendance to such a degree,
that any great bore is still called Cleadh-sheancJiain, which
was the name given to these musical bands. The band was
composed of a doctor of song and twelve scholars. In the
earliest times, the bards, as a subordinate class in the order
of Druids, were upheld by the resources of their more

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 13

mighty sacerdotal brethren. Druidism fell ; but how could
heroes live without their fame ? The clans maintained
bards at their own expense; and the chiefs, as representatives
of the clans, kept open hall for each strolling chief bard and
his band a twelvemonth and a day, should it not happen that
one of the chiefs retainers could excel the band in song, for
in that case the hospitality was at an end. This, as the
first example of Cain, or tax, was named the ancient
kain; and the bards, as instructors of the age, cleire, or
clergy. When, in course of time, cowled monks and
priests assumed the mantle of instruction, and, under
higher authority, exacted heavier dues, the old musical
teachers were denominated Cleire-sheanchain, or, cor-
rupted, cleadh-sheanchain — that is, " clergy of the ancient
tax."

The bard of Gorrie, an Irish chief, made his way to Glen-
lyon. Red Duncan's hospitality was already celebrated, and
his reception of the bard and his band did not put his well-
earned fame to shame. A fat bullock, and six wethers, with
red deer and other game, were daily provided for his hall.
The bard, highly pleased, took his farewell at last. The chief
accompanied him part of the way. The bard all at once
complained that his linen was completely worn, and unfit
to be seen ; Duncan stripped, and unhesitatingly accom-
modated him with his own underclothing. When in this
nude state, his lady happening to look forth from the
loop-holes of Carnban Castle — Red Duncan's home —
and seeing a white figure in the distance, which she took for
one of the winged creation, she exclaimed : " Oh, such a
large white goose ! " From that the place received a
name.

14 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

After a friendly convoy, Duncan returned, and ordered
his gillies to double everything for to-morrow's entertain-
ment ; " for," says he, " the bard suspects I have furnished
my board only for his sake ; his departure is a sham ; he
will return to-morrow." It happened as anticipated. To
his astonishment, the bard found the hospitable board
better replenished than ever. Some time after, he took his
departure in real earnest, and when his own employer,
Gorrie, inquired about Red Duncan, and put it to him if
strangers fared not better with himself, the bard promptly
replied :

" Molar Gorrie thar a mhuir
Is gach duine na thir fein ;
Ach na coimisear duine do t-sluagh
Ri Donnachadh Ruadh ach e fein."

" Let Gorrie be praised over the sea, and each man in his
own country ; but let none of the race of men be compared
to Red Duncan but himself." Gorrie, indignant at
this extremely plain reply, dismissed the bard, who,
wending his way back to Scotland, received from Red
Duncan a piece of land still called Croit a Bhaird—\hs.
bard's croft.

Carnban Castle, where Duncan resided, is built on a steep
conical hillock, about three miles beyond the entrance of
the glen. It was defended by a ditch and drawbridge. The
ruins are in good condition. It was a square, or rather
oblong, tower, vaulted and loopholed, with a wide hospit-
able-looking chimney in the west gable, and a round tower
with a cork-screw stair butting out from the adjacent side.
It commands a noble view of the bend of the glen between

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 15

Innervar on the west, and the pass of Chesthill on the east.
It was towards the latter end of autumn I was last there
The wind was soughing down the leaves in the surround-
ing woods ; the hill sides had put on their russet garb ;
and the sun, peeping through a chink of the opposite moun-
tain top, made the black slimy rocks of Dericambus glitter
like glass. The ruins were profusely covered with the pretty
wall-fern, and a young squirrel gambolled in a plantain tree
that had stuck its roots in the floor of the once hospitable
hall. The hold was ruined soon after Red Duncan's
death by a party of Lochaber men, who forayed the
glen, and, in passing, shot from the opposite side of
the river an arrow, to which a piece of burning lint
was attached ; the dry heath thatching caught the
flame, and so Red Duncan's tower shared the fate of
Troy.

The gratitude of the tuneful confraternity was not bought
in vain. " He is as hospitable as Donnachadh Ruadh na
feileachd " is yet a byword ; his laudations survive in the
poetry both of Ireland and Scotland.

Duncan was succeeded by his son Colin. He married a
sister of Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, the true
founder of the Breadalbane family. In his latter days, when
far from old, he lost his reason, and this gained him the epithet
of " gorach," or mad. But there was method in his madness.
A party of Lochaber men (by-the-bye, they called all be-
yond the Moss of Rannoch and the Blackmount Lochaber
men in those days), headed by Dougal, the second son of the
chief of Muidart, forayed a part of the estate of Glenlyon,
when on their way with, I believe, stolen cattle to one of
the southern trysts. Two of Colin's tenants, making oppo-

1 6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

sition to the spoilers, were slain. Before the Glenlyon men
could muster, they had escaped with their prey. An am-
buscade was laid against their return. Colin's eldest son,
Duncan, and a strong party, encountered Dougal and his
men at the head of Glendochart, and made them prisoners.
They were brought to Meggernie Castle, and put in durance
vile. Duncan went immediately to Edinburgh to give them
up to Government. He sent a message to his father, telling
him there was every prospect of the prisoners getting off
free, through court interest. Mad Colin became ten times
more mad than before. " Pardon ! " says he ; " pardon
men taken red-handed in the act of murdering my
tenants ! By the might of Mary ! it shall not be so." The
captives, said to be thirty-six in number, were taken out
and strung up to so many trees, about a mile to the east
of Meggernie Castle, on the brae side, called Leachd nan
Abrach — Lochabermen's brae. Dougal, the leader, is
said to have been shot by Colin himself. His body
subsequently received the rites of burial at the hands
of a follower more humane than his master. Cam Diighail
—i.e.y Dougal's cairn, is a stonecast above the bridge of
Balgie.

Duncan was horrified on his return to hear of the sum-
mary proceedings of his father. The Muidart family repre-
sented the matter at Edinburgh in a very strong light.
Colin and his son were both outlawed. That was all. Strong
in the fidelity of his followers, and the friendship of
neighbouring chiefs, who were mostly hostile to the govern-
ment, the mad laird of Glenlyon put king and council to
defiance.

When his vagaries became extravagant, his son, on the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 17

plea of his father's madness, made peace with the govern-
ment, and was himself appointed administrator of the estate.
Yet the mad laird was left at large, and, with Finlay, his
attendant, wandered as far and widely among the hills, in
pursuit of game, as his heart could desire. Many stories
are told of their wanderings and doings. I may give one.
They were after the deer, the chase was unsuccessful, and
Colin's mood was chafed. On the brow of Stuic-an-lochain
— a huge rock beetling over a deep circular mountain tarn
— they encountered a flock of goats. Mad Colin and his
man forced them over the precipice. When surveying their
work from the top of the cliff, Colin unexpectedly came be-
hind Finlay, and ordered him, in a threatening voice, to
jump over. He knew it was useless to resist. He said
quietly, and as a matter of course : " I will, Glenlyon ; but,"
looking at a grey stone behind them, " I would just like
to say my prayers at yon stone first; it is so like an
altar." Colin mused, looked at the stone, and, letting go
his hold, bade him go, and be back immediately. Finlay
reached the stone, knelt down, muttered whatever came
uppermost, and every now and then took a sly look at his
master. Colin stood yet on the edge of the cliff, and kept
looking on the mangled bodies of the goats. He seemed to
become horrified at his own mad work. Finlay lost not his
opportunity. He stealthily crept behind his master, grasped
him by the shoulders, and shouted, in a thundering voice :
" Leap after the goats." The unhappy lunatic supplicated
for mercy, in vain. Finlay 's grasp was like a vice ; and he
so held him over the precipice, that if let go he could not
recover himself, but inevitably fall over. " Let me go this
once," supplicated Colin. " Swear, first, you shall not cir-

B

1 8 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

cumvent me again." " By Mary ? " " Nay, by your father's
sword." " By my father's sword, I swear." " That will do ;
now we go home."

Mad Colin built the Castle of Meggernie, probably about
1582. It was enlarged and altered by his great-grandson,
of unhappy memory, the Commander at Glencoe.

III.

IN 1590, a commission was granted to Sir Duncan
Campbell of Glenorchy, empowering him to pursue the
clan Gregor with fire and sword, and forbidding any of the
lieges to reset them. Mad Colin was first married to Sir
Duncan's sister, on whose death he married a sister of the
Laird of Lawers, who was Glenorchy' s right-hand man in the
persecution of the clan Gregor. Colin, as a clansman and
near relative, was solicited to join them by the Knight and
Lawers. Remembering Iain dubh nan lann's gift to his fore-
fathers, he viewed the project with abhorrence, laid a curse on
those who proposed it, and threatened death to any who in-
jured a M'Gregor within his bounds. To mark his contempt,
he invited all the M'Gregors in his neighbourhood to a great
feast that he prepared for them. But there was a traitor
in the camp : his wife had sent secret information to her
brother Lawers, and pointed out how, at one fell swoop, he
could destroy so many enemies. As dinner was not served
up as soon as Colin wished it, he sent his henchman to ask
the cause of the delay. The lady, forgetting herself, replied
quickly : " I expect my brother." The reply was announced
in the hall ; and the M'Gregors, thinking they had been en-
trapped, rushed out, deaf to all Colin could say. It was
time : Lawers was crossing the ford below.the castle, before
they gained the hill-side. Colin was disgraced on his own
hearth by his nearest friends. He had his revenge; for,.

20 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

that night, his wife and son, by the second marriage, left
Glenlyon to return no more. The boy, known by the name
of Cailean Lionnack, was brought up by his uncle Lawers.
Cairlean Gorach died about 1597.

Donnachadh Ruadh Mac Cailein (Red Duncan, the son of
Colin), followed his father's footsteps in protecting the
M'Gregors. After the battle of Glenfruin, the persecution
of the clan was renewed with tenfold severity. The story
of this battle, and the immediate cause which led to it, as I
learned from the grey-haired sennachies who knew the past,
is as follows: Before Marshal Wade paved the way for
carriers and stage-coaches, the Highlanders received all
their little necessaries and luxuries through the hands of
pedlars, who made regular visits to one or other of the large
towns, and brought back in their packs the articles chiefly
in demand at home. The pedlars, as a class, were of great
importance to the whole community, and Highland faith
and hospitality guaranteed to them security and good re-
ception wherever they went. Two pedlars of the M'Gregors
of Dunan, in the Braes of Rannoch, were benighted while
on their way home from Glasgow, on the property of Sir
Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss. They asked hospitality,
which was refused. This churlishness was owing to the
quarrels of the Colquhouns with their neighbours, the
M'Gregors of Glengyle ; but the Colquhouns, in setting
limits to the hospitality asked, so far violated the conven-
tional and hereditary code of Highland morality, that the
pedlars deemed themselves justified in taking what was re-
fused. They kindled a fire in an unoccupied sheiling-house,
and taking a wedder from the fold, killed it, and feasted on
its carcase. Unluckily for them, the wedder was the most

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 21

marked animal in the fold. It was black all but the tail,
which was white. In the morning, the shepherds missed at
once " Mult dubh an earbailghil" — the black wedder with
the white tail. The pedlars were at once suspected, pur-
sued, captured, brought back, condemned, and hanged
without delay. The McGregors could not tamely pass over
such an affront. Alastair of Glenstrae, the chief of the clan,
with about 300 men, left Rannoch in the beginning of the
year 1602, and encamped on the Colquhoun marches, He
proposed an accommodation, on condition that the Colqu-
houns acknowledged their fault, and made reparation to the
friends of the deceased by paying the blood eric. Sir
Humphrey, having assembled a large force — composed of
Colquhouns, Buchanans, and the citizens of Dumbarton —
scorned the offers of peace. The battle of Glenfruin was
fought, Colquhoun's party utterly routed ; and during the
fight, Dugald Ciar Mor, who quietly sleeps now in the
churchyard of Fortingall, stabbed a number of clerical stu-
dents who had come from Dumbarton to see the battle, and
had been consigned to his care by the chief. When the
latter inquired for the students, Dugald showed his bloody
dagger, and said : " Ask that, and God's mercy " — that being
the exclamation of the students when dying.

After this battle, the crusade against the clan raged with
irresistible fury. The Laird of Glenlyon dared no longer
openly protect them ; and his brave heart swelled to see
Lawers exultingly scouring the glen with his blood-hounds.
In secret, Duncan and his men did all they could to succour
the fugitives. One of the proscribed, by name Gregor Ban
Mor, after running the gauntlet for some time with his pur-
suer, and making more escapes than I can here describe, one

22 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

day suddenly presented himself before Donnachadh M'Cai-
lein, and offered him his sword, bidding him do with him
what he liked, as he was weary of life. " Keep your sword,"
said Duncan ; " I do not pursue your clan. If you wish to
surrender, go to Lawers ; he knows how to mete out mercy
and justice to the M'Gregors." " To Lawers ? and die the
death of a dog by the hands of a coward ! No ; since I
must die, let me receive the death-blow as a warrior should
— from a brave man." " By Mary ! you say well ; will you
go to Lawers with a letter from me ? " "I will." " Then
you will set out to-night, and, if he lets you go, be back to-
morrow at noon." So said, so done. M'Gregor, under the
safeguard of Glenlyon's letter, presented himself to Lawers
in the morning, when making ready to renew the pursuit
after him. The cruel are generally cowardly ; and Lawers
was glad to let the enemy, now within his power, off scot
free, ere more harm came of it. M'Gregor lost some time
on the way, and was an hour or two too late in appearing
before Glenlyon. He found the chieftain at the head of his
men, banner displayed, and pipe playing, on the point of
marching to Breadalbane, to revenge the supposed death of
the fugitive. Gregor explained. The chieftain smoothed
his ruffled brow, and said : " It is well. Had it been other-
wise, ere night the house of Lawers would perish — stock,
shoot, and branch. Though in my quarrel with Black Dun-
can with the Cowl, kindred blood glues the sword to the
scabbard, thank Heaven ! there is no such bar to hinder my
revenge upon his minion Lawers." This is the abridged
version of a story often yet told over the winter fire by the
old Highlanders.

Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, or " Black Duncan

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 23

with the Cowl" (Donnachadh diibh a ckurraichd), the uncle of
M'Cailein, was, according to the unvarying testimony oi
Highland tradition, a character such as cannot here very
well be described. In high credit at the Court of James
VI., he easily obtained charters of the lands of the
M'Gregors and other foolish chieftains, who continued to
hold their property by " coir a chlaidheamh" then set them
together by the ears, and, when weakened by mutual slaugh-
ter, by the power conferred upon him in the charters, or
under the pretext of preserving the public peace, he quietly
took possession of the belligerents' land, which he ever
afterwards held by no slippery grasp. We may give one
example of his modus operandi. Fletcher of Achallader
had a small estate in the Braes of Glenorchy. Sir Duncan,
wishing to have the whole glen, took his measures to destroy
his neighbour, and, as usual, without implicating himself.
With some attendants — among whom was an English ser-
vant— he went, as if on a friendly visit, to the Laird of
Achallader. When near the house, he ordered the Eng-
lishman to go forward, and let the hungry horses loose in a
patch of corn on the haugh, and if any spoke to him, to give
no heed, as he would soon be forward himself, and see
everything put to rights. The servant did as required.
Fletcher, astounded to see the man letting the horses
loose in his corn, called upon him, from one of the windows
of his house, to remove them immediately ; and, as he paid
no attention, threatened, with the irascibility of a High-
lander, to shoot him upon the spot. The Englishman, who
understood not a word, gave no sign of compliance ; and
Fletcher, in a transport of boundless rage, put his threat
into execution, and the servant fell. Sir Duncan took good

24 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

care to be near enough to witness the tragedy. He showed to
Fletcher that his life had become forfeited to the law, that
there was no resource but immediate flight, and as his pro-
perty would be clearly lost, if remaining in his own name, he
advised him to make it over to him (Sir Duncan) by a kind
of fictitious sale then very prevalent, and he promised to
hold it in trust for him until he returned. Fletcher did as
advised, with many thanks ; and the friendly Sir Duncan
efficiently provided against his ever returning to claim the
property.

The all-grasping knight could not at times keep his
fingers off the properties of the Siol Diarmid itself. As ob-
served before, the legal tenure of land was for long little
appreciated by the Celtic clans ; and after claims to the
lower and more fertile places were settled and secured, the
mountain sheilings, used as summer pasture, remained often
a kind of commonty among the clansmen of different chief-
tains. Luban, in the braes of Glenlyon, was in this predica-
ment. The Laird of Glenlyon claimed it by prescriptive right.
Sir Duncan advanced counter claims as King's forester. The
quarrel, some time in abeyance, was brought to a crisis
by M'Cailein building a shepherd's hut on the disputed
ground. Sir Duncan, whose genius lay rather in the tricks
of diplomacy than in the rough jousting of war, proposed a
friendly conference to settle all disputes on the spot. M'Cai-
lein came on the appointed day with the stipulated number
of twelve armed attendants ; but what was his amazement
to find his uncle and a hundred men in arms before him at
the obnoxious hut ! He saluted him, however, as though
no treachery were intended. Sir Duncan, with the cold
smile his countenance usually assumed, pointed to his men,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2$

and in studied terms showed his claims, and exhorted his
kinsman peacefully to drop all opposition. M'Cailein stood
before the wily man, his brow clouded with anger, but
firmly self-confident. With an effort at self-control, he
heard him uninterruptedly to the end, but not without pay-
ing dear. The point of his unsheathed sword rested on his
soft brogue, and unconsciously he kept boring with it until
brogue and foot were equally pierced through. " Now give
thy say for peace, fair nephew," concluded Sir Duncan.
" Never ! " fiercely replied M'Cailein. " What," said the
knight — " what can you hope to do with your pitiful twelve
against my hundred? My men, pull down the hut."
" Whatever a man of clean heart may against a craven
treacherous fox " — making a spring, clutching Sir Duncan
by the throat, and brandishing his sword. " I shall have
your life first, and as many other lives afterwards as I can/'
His men now could do little for the knight ; for M'Cailein,
at their slightest movement to rescue him, threatened to
plunge his sword in their captain's breast, and they knew he
was the man to keep his word. Sir Duncan begged pardon,
and obtained it. His parting words were : " St. Martin,
nephew " — (by-the-bye, how or when did Martin of Tours
become a chief Scottish Saint ?) — " I will not risk my good
against your violence ; but of me will yet come those who
shall possess Luban." Magician as he was counted to be,
these words did not prove prophetic.

But Sir Duncan, if a magician himself, did not approve
of magic in others. On one occasion, when clan necessity
had thrown him and his nephew together, an Italian wizard
accosted Sir Duncan, offering to show him wonders. The
knight pooh-poohed, and told him to go to M'Cailein, add-

26 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

ing he was ready to gape at his impostures. He did as
advised ; and the chieftain, pleased at the man's perform-
ance— who, from his pretensions, appears to have been a
Rosicrucian — gave him what money was in the sporran.
The Italian, touched at the liberality, offered M'Cailein a
miraculous stone, said to be preserved yet in the family of
Garden of Troup, that through the female line became
heirs-at-law to Dr. David Campbell, the last Laird of Glen-
iyon. It was called, in the language of the country,
" clach-buadha " — stone of victory — because water off this
stone, when sprinkled by the heir of Glenlyon upon his men
before entering battle, ensured them success. It was also
reckoned a charm against ball wounds, lead being supposed
to have no effect on those sprinkled by it. This became
apocryphal, at least after the battle of Sheriffmuir, in which
several of the Glenlyon men fell by musket wounds. It
was one property of this stone, that, when put into cold
water, it caused it to bubble as if boiling.

Red Duncan was not as prudent as he was brave. The
following gambling story I give as I received it. Some
law plea had brought M'Cailein to Edinburgh. Hav-
ing nothing else to do, he entered a gambling-house, and
sat down to play at cards with the master. M'Cailein lost
game after game ; but, as if taking pleasure in seeing him-
self plucked, he continued to play. When his cash was
gone, he rose to depart. " Come," said the gambler, " you
have lost often ; let us have another game, and, to give you
your revenge, I don't mind though I stake two to one."
" My sporran is turned inside out," replied he. " Never
mind ; I'll stake cash against your word, chief, if you pledge
it." "No ; the word of a Highland chief is pledged only

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2?

among those who know it shall be redeemed. He speaks
in deeds to the suspicion of the strangers. Here are the
title-deeds of my property (I had to produce them before
your Red Lords to-day) ; I'll stake them, subject to redemp-
tion within forty days, on this game." It is over. M'Cai-
lein rises : his brow is flushed ; he grasps the gambler's
hand, making the blood start at the nails ; his voice sounds
as a muffled drum, or like the ghost of the storm. " The
home of my fathers is yours, and may the devil give you
joy of it. But when taking possession, encase yourself in
steel. The land is yours ; but, mark me, the men are mine.
A Saxon cowherd may be baron. God forbid he can be
chief. Adieu ! *

The time was short, money scarce, and, however willing,
M'Cailein's friends were unable, within the appointed
period, to raise the sum necessary. Sir Duncan is said to
have been applied to in vain. The crest-fallen Laird re-
turned to Edinburgh empty-handed. When about entering
the gambling-house, to see what was going on, the servant-
maid took him aside, and asked (in Gaelic) whether he was
the gentleman that, a month before, lost his property at
cards. Being answered in the affirmative, she said : " Well,
I am sorry for you, and will do all I can to help you. Don't
enter just now ; go somewhere, and disguise yourself. Re-
turn, and when I tell you, enter. You will find the room
empty; place yourself in the chair opposite the mirror.
You shall see in it what cards your opponent holds. He'll
dare not ask you to leave his chair ; and it's hard if I can't
trump up a story to make him play at any venture.
M'Cailein did as directed, and won one game after another.
The gambler refused to play any longer, as his money was

28 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

all lost. " Come," said M'Cailein, " I leave Edinburgh to-
morrow. I'll stake my whole gains on the next game." " I
have nothing," said the other, " but the title-deeds of a
Highland property, which I won the other day, and are sub-
ject to redemption." " What is the name of the place ? "
" Glenlyon, I think." " Glenlyon and M'Cailein ! I know
them well. Make sieves of your parchments at the first
opportunity ; the glen people are real devil's bairns. Set
up a claim against M'Cailein, and you'll have a dozen dirks
in your body ere night." " But you accept the stake, I
hope ? " " Well, I do, though it is throwing bread upon the
water." Red Duncan was again the winner; and, as he
pocketed his money and papers, he told his astonished op-
ponent who he was. Coming home, he met his relative Sir
Duncan, en route for Edinburgh, to buy Glenlyon for him-
self.

Duncan M'Cailein died at an advanced age, about 1640.
I find no trace of it in local tradition, but he, more probably
than any of his ancestors — certainly than any of his descend-
ants— was the hero of the old ballad —

" Bonnie Babby Livingstane
Gaed oot tae see the kye,
And she has met with Glenlyon,
Who has stolen her away.

" He took frae her her sattin coat,
But an her silken gown,
Syne row'd her in his tartan plaid,
And happ'd her roun' an' roun'."

IV.

A RCHIBALD, the eldest son of Donnachadh Ruadh,
±\. married, in 1631, Jean, the daughter of Robert
Campbell of Glenfalloch, who, on the death of his elder
brother, Sir Colin, became Sir Robert Campbell of Glen-
orchy. He was the second son of Black Duncan, and the
grandfather of the first Earl of Breadalbane, called by
the country people, " Jain Glas "—that is, " Pale John."
Archibald's eldest son, Robert, the commander at Glencoe,
was born in 1632. The family estate, much burdened by the
imprudent extravagance of Duncan, was relieved of almost
all the claims upon it, in a few years, by the fostering care
of Archibald, to whom the father had given up the entire
management in his own lifetime. But Archibald was not
destined to reap the benefit of his wisdom, or realise his
plans of ambition and family aggrandisement. He died
suddenly about 1640, a few years before his father. The
aged Duncan reappeared upon the stage, and his first act
was characteristic of the man : it was granting a bond for
loco merks to Patrick Campbell of Murlaganbeg, who
married his daughter Grace or Girsell.

Between 1640 and 1654, when Robert Campbell attained
his majority, Glenlyon was under a tutor and a minor.
The Lady Glenlyon, as she was called, sedulously kept free
from taking any part in the civil war of that troubled epoch.
Her tenants, however, following their own inclination, and

3O THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

the known sentiments of their dead chieftain, joined the
standard of Montrose under Patrick Roy M'Gregor, the chief
of his clan, and the Lady of Glenlyon's second husband.
Montrose showed his gratitude to the Glenlyon men, by
sparing their lands and houses, when, on his march to Ar-
gyle, he mercilessly laid waste Breadalbane and other pos-
sessions of Campbell of Glenorchy. In 1655, when Robert
was 23 years of age, Cromwell had Scotland prostrated by
the victories of Dunbar and Worcester ; Ireland paralysed
by the butcheries of Tredah and Wexford — her very pulse
of life repressed by the inflexible severity of Ireton, and the
pushing energy of Ludlow ; England beginning to enjoy
the sweets of peace, and content to let her magnanimous
Protector dissolve the phantom Parliament, and sternly
inculcate lessons of toleration on jarring sects. Her naval
strength broken, Holland now sued for peace ; Blake scoured
the Mediterranean, threatened the Pope, humbled the Duke
of Tuscany, and made his name a terror to the dusky war-
riors of Tunis and Algiers. The daring usurper, secure at
home, admired abroad, could at the same time, and with
equal ease, exact the obsequiousnss of Mazarin, browbeat
the court of France, execute the brother of the Portuguese
ambassador on Towerhill, hold out the hand of friendship to
Protestant Sweden, and aim a death-blow at the haughtiness
of Spain. The hapless heir of loyalty, an outcast from his
country, his services refused by the Dutch, disowned and
banished by the court of France, lavishing on sensual and
degrading debaucheries the sums doled out to the princely
beggar by royal hands, seemed by his very vices to have
taken a bond of fate, for shutting him out for ever from
succeeding to the British throne. Still, through his exile

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 31

and follies, the national eye of Scotland followed with fond
desire the heir of her hundred kings. The Covenanters and
Highlanders met at last on common ground : these hoping,
on the exaltation of Charles, to expiate the affront offered to
the whole Celtic race by the expulsion of the Stuarts ; those
hoping, under a Prince who had signed the Covenant, to re-
cover their lost theological supremacy and independence —
both trusting to retrieve the honour of their country, and re-
cover the martial wreath lost at Worcester and Dunbar.
During Cromwell's domination, the spirit of loyalty among
the Campbells themselves attained such strength as to
quench personal feuds and enmities of long standing. The
first thing in which we find the name of Robert Campbell is
a precept of Clare Constat, from Sir Robert Campbell of
Glenorchy to Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, dated 2Oth July,
1655. The son of Black Duncan with the Coivl and the grand-
son of M'Cailein became fast friends in their eagerness to
serve their Prince. Monk, who appears to have been well
aware of the intrigues among the clans, prudently provided
against any opportunity of an outbreak, and with such success
as to be able, whenever he pleased, down to the end of the
Protectorate, to date his despatches from the Castle of Fin-
larig ; but as he passively connived at loyal movements, if
he not actually fostered them, it seems highly probable he
wished the spirit to spread, and the knowledge that such
materials for a royal army existed in Scotland certainly in-
fluenced his conduct on the death of Oliver.

Perhaps it was unfortunate for the laird of Glenlyon that
war did not break out ; as it was, young and comparatively
rich, he plunged headlong into the pleasures of the Resto-
ration, and soon reduced himself to difficulties from which

32 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

an age of repentance could not extricate him. Before the
establishment of banks, almost all monetary exchange was
carried on through heritable and personal bonds. A wanted
money ; he applied to B, who lent him a bond upon D suf-
ficient to pay the debt, for which A granted to B his own
bond, redeemable at a certain date, and burdened with a
penalty in case of failure. In this case, say that B repre-
sents the bank, and the bond upon D bank-notes, which are
in effect bonds payable on demand. Now, as there is con-
siderable risk, A's bond must not only cover the sum ad-
vanced, with the usual adrent and penalty, but also a larther
sum to indemnify B for the risk he runs in surrendering to
A the bond upon D, or his bank-notes, in exchange for A's
bond. A is a landed proprietor ; he grants in course of
time to B, and others, several similar bonds. B quarrels
with A, and buys up all the bonds granted by the latter to
others ; the amount of these, and of those he himself holds,
he claims from A. A is well aware that his lands are worth
ten times the sum, but as he cannot realise the money, and
letters of horning and caption are out against him at B's
instance, he is obliged to wadset his lands to the latter, re-
serving the power of redemption for a certain number of
years. At the end of that time, A cannot pay, and B be-
comes the permanent lord of the manor. The extreme
facility in granting, and the always increasing difficulties in
reclaiming, ruined probably more of the British nobility and
gentry in the reign of Charles II. than the whole number
the sword had cut off of their class in England during the
bloody war of the Roses.

Robert, about 1670, married Helen Lindsay, and put the
copestone on his imprudent extravagance by commencing

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 33

extensive alterations and repairs on his castle of Meggernie,
originally built by his great-grandfather, Cailean Gorach.
The repairs were finishedin 1673, and at the same time his
credit was exhausted. His unreclaimed bonds were many,
and the holders clamorous for payment. The machinery of
the law was set in motion against him, and we find in that
year " Our Sovereign Lord " ordaining a letter to be made
under his Majesty's privy seal of a signature of the estate
and liferent of Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, in favour of
Patrick Stewart of Ballaguhine. A compromise was, how-
ever, entered into. The splendid fir forests of Glenlyon
were sold to a company of merchants, at the head of which
was a certain Captain John Crawford. This relieved Robert
of the more pressing claims. Yet it was with grief and in-
dignation he saw his woods, the relics of the great Cale-
donian forest, destroyed by the stranger ; and he was glad
when Crawford had trespassed on the jointure lands of his
mother, to have a chance to stop him in name of the law, as
follows: — "At Milton of Glenlyon, the twenty-eight day of
Jully, jm.vic. and seventy-seven years — which day, in presence
of me, notary public, and witnesses underwritten, compeared
personally Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, as factor for Jean
Campbell, Lady Glenlyon elder, his mother, and having in
his hands ane factory made and granted by her to him for
acting and doing for her in everything, &c. ; and anent her
hurts and prejudices done to her by Captain John Crawford,
by cutting and destroying the ground, cornes, and grass
pertaining to her, as part of her jointure out of the lands of
Glenlyon, and damming and stopping the water of Lyon,
and the fishing thereof, and also in sending down by the
said water the timber of two thousand of great fir planks in

34 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

one bulk, which dammed the whole water in several places
thereof, and hindered the whole fishing of the said river for
the space of last year. Wherefore the said Robert Camp-
bell, day and date thereof, said place where the said Captain
John Crawford and said workmen are now working at said
work, made civil interruption, and desired them and the
rest of their company to desist and cease : * * ' * And
in like manner protested against the said Captain John
Crawford, for cutting of the said woods and laying the same
in great heaps, and keeping a great fire thereat, and burning
of the same in manifest contempt and prejudice, &c. And
in like manner forbad these things now done on Druim-
an-lochane, in Milton of Eonan in Glenlyon, between three
and four hours in the afternoon. * * * " The mention
of the great fires kept in the woods will explain to the
Glenlyon men why the stocks of fir, which they disentomb
from the moss for their winter light, are mostly all charred,
and, as the date is known, it affords an excellent mark for
determining the growth of the moss itself. The " civil in-
terruption " of the legal instrument was not quick enough
in its operation to please the Glenlyon people. The dam
was broken, and the sawmill set on fire one fine summer
evening, and I have heard in boyhood a song in which it
was commemorated : — " Mar loisg iad na daimh chrochdach
air bord a mhuilinn shabhaidh" — i.e., "How they burned the
wide-horned oxen on the boards of Crawford's sawmill ; "
it being oxen that he used, instead of horses, for dragging
the wood. Crawford had made himself extremely unpopular.
His sawmill was erected at first on the same stream with
Eonan 's mill ; and, as the water was not sufficient to keep
the two going together, many an unlucky wight had long

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 35

to wait Crawford's high behest before his corn could be
ground. It happened once that an honest man had so
wasted the whole day, and still there was no appearance of
the sawmill being stopped. Meantime, two or three of the
neighbours dropped in to have a crack ; the mill, the smithy,
and the kirk being then, as afterwards, the places for
the exchange of news. As they entered into conversation,
the man who wanted his corn ground, addressing one of the
new-comers — who was believed to have the gift of the evil
eye — said : "Well, Callum, I'll give you something, if you go
up to Crawford's mill and praise it." Callum did go, and,
looking at the saw, praised it very much. Crawford, well
pleased, was at pains to show him how the wheels worked.
Unhappy man ! under the blasting influence of the evil eye,
the machinery got entangled, the saw-wheel broke, and a
splinter, striking a workman in the face, deprived him of an
eye ! It is needless to add, Crawford's mill came to a dead
stand, and the countryman got his meal made — thanks to
the potent influence of the Beum-sul.

I have mentioned above how the families of Glenorchy
and Glenlyon were reconciled. The good old Sir Robert
appears to have purchased his grandson's goodwill partly by
granting him a leasehold tack of some of his lands in Lome.
We find Sir Robert's successor, Sir John, in 1662, recover-
ing these lands on payment of a certain sum of money to
Glenlyon, whose expenses were already exceeding his in-
come. We have shown how a man could be ruined by the
bond system of exchange. Now, it is evident in the case
of a man of tact, cunning, and prudence, the converse was
just as easy and certain. Sir John Campbell of Glenorchy,
inheriting the talents and intriguing spirit of his ancestor,

36 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Sir Duncan, rather than the quiet, friendly disposition of
his father and grandfather — and having, as described by
Mackay, " the gravity of a Spaniard, the cunning of a fox,
the wisdom of a serpent, and the slipperiness of an eel " —
was for the last 40 years of his life perhaps the most im-
portant character of the north. Courted for his influence
and ability, he cheated James and William in turns, exe-
cuted his own projects under the mask of their authority,
and veiled treachery and treason with such cleverness as
always to evade punishment, often suspicion ; he was the
Fouche of the Highlands. Buying up a great many bonds
granted by George Sinclair, 6th Earl of Caithness, whose
widow he afterwards married as his second wife, he
served himself that nobleman's chief creditor, and obtained
a disposition from him of his whole estate and earldom,
with the hereditary jurisdiction and titles. When the Earl
died in 1676, Sir John's claim was acknowledged by Govern-
ment, and he was created — by patent, dated 28th June,
1677 — Earl of Caithness. The next heir male of the house
of Caithness — George Sinclair of Keiss — contested his claim,
and the Caithness men refused to pay rent to Sir John, or
acknowledge him as Earl. In 1677 or 1678, Sir John, now
Earl of Caithness, granted to Robert Campbell a bond for
5000 pounds (Scots of course) ; and in the year 1680, Glen-
lyon, at the head of the Breadalbane and Glenlyon men,
entered Caithness in hostile array to reduce the refractory
Sinclairs to obedience. The raid is named Ruaig Ghallu
— the rout of Caithness. Gallu is still the name given
by the Highlanders to Caithness, on account of its having
been possessed by the Scandinavians, a remarkable instance
of the use that could be made of the names of places in the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 37

study of ethnology. The Sinclairs, it appears, expected the
invasion, and were fully prepared to meet it. In such force
did they muster, that Glenlyon and his friends did not deem
an immediate trial of strength advisable. The Campbells
began a sham retreat, the Caithness men following in full pur-
suit, till the foe retired from their bounds. The Sinclairs
then halted at a village on the confines of the earldom, and
made a happy night of it, drinking generous mountain dew
to excess in honour of their success, and to the confusion o
enemies — the very thing the wily Campbell wanted. In
the early morning, he surprised the disorderly mob,
killed a great number, utterly routed the remainder,
pushed on without intermission, and drove off the unguarded
creach without further let or hindrance. The women and
children — the only persons left at home — were fearfully
roused from their morning slumbers by the exulting strains
of Glenlyon's piper, who, to give greater eclat to the affair,
improvised for the occasion the pibroch called " Bodaich
nam Briogan " — i.e., Carles in Trousers ; the latter being the
lower habiliments of the Caithness men, in contradistinction
to the kilts of the Gael. In the following version of some
of the Glenlyon words to this pibroch, I have attempted
nothing like a literal translation, but I trust something of
the spirit is preserved, so as to give the reader ignorant of
Gaelic some idea of the jubilant strain of triumph in the
original : —

BODAICH NAM BRIOGAN, OR BREADALBANE'S MARCH.
Women of the lonely glen,
Are ye sleeping, sleeping then ?
When Glenlyon's hostile lance
Routs in hundreds all at once.
Bodaich nam Briogan, early ?

38 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

And broken host and dastard flight,
The field, where grim Death sits bedight,
Confess to our prowess fairly ?

Dream'st yet of safety, sleeping dame ?
Hear, then, to my pibroch's echoing swell :
It tells the sgeul,* and tells it well,
Of slaughtered men
And forayed glen,

The victor's joy and your country's shame :
Who is first in the chase will find the game.
Rise, widowed dame ?

The breezes fan
The Campbells' broad banners early !

The victors quartered themselves for some time among
the vanquished. They brought home the spoils without
mishap ; and in addition to the cattle, as the Highlanders
express it, they brought " Or Ghallu gu bord Bhealaich "
— " the gold of Caithness to the table of Balloch " (or Tay-
mouth). In 1681, the king put an end to the feud, by
making Sinclair Earl of Caithness, and granting Sir John
a new patent of nobility, dated I3th August, 1681, creating
him Earl of Breadalbane and Holland, with the precedency
of the former patent.

News.

V.

THE spirit of clanship, aggressive beyond its own pale,
was strictly conservative within. The chief of a
large clan felt it as much his bounden duty to see to the
stability and welfare of the chieftains, as they, in their turn,
were obliged to look to the happiness and preservation of
their dependents. It has already been shown how Robert
Campbell involved himself in difficulties that proved
insurmountable. He struggled on for a few years ;
but, sinking deeper and deeper, recourse was ultimately had
to the ComhairV -taighe of the clan of Diarmid. The fol-
lowing deed, by which the chief, and the next most
powerful nobleman of the clan, were nominated trustees, in
order, if possible, to restore the Laird of Glenlyon to
his former independence, was the result. The document
s given, as far as it can be deciphered, literatim et ver-
batim : —

" Be it kend to all men be thir present Letters, Me Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon, Forsameikle as I considering, That *yr are severall debts,
soumes of monney, and oyr incumberances affecting and burdeineing
my Lands and others belonging to me, tending to the apparent ruine
and distructione of my esteat and fortoune, iff not tymously prevented
by prudent and wholsome councill and advyce ; And yt it is simply
and altogether impossible for me, be my-self allon, to take course with
the sd debts and incumberances, and to manadge my affaires and con-

* In most documents older than 1700, and in not a few of later date, the character "y "
represents the alphabet letters " th."

40 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

cernements, so as to freile relieve, and disburden my Lands and esteat
yrof, without the councill, advyce, and concurrence of some of my good
freinds in whom I repose my trust. And lykeways understanding how
easie I may be circumveined and deceived in the management of my
affaires, by subtile and craftie persones, who have designes upon me,
and may intyse me to the dilapidatione of my Lands, rents, goods, and
geir, to my great hurt and prejudice ; And I being fully persuaded,
and haveing good prooff and experience, off the love and kyndnes my
noble and reale freinds, Archibald, Earle off Argyle, and John, Earle
off Caithnes, have towards me, and for the standing of my familie,
whose advyce and councill I now resolve to use, and be whom I am
heirefter to be governed in all my affaires and business. Thairfor witt
ye me to be bound and obleidged, Lykeas I, be thir prts, faithfully bind
and obleidge me, noways to sell, annailzie, wad-set, dispone, dilapidat,
nor putt away, non of my Lands, heretages, nor rents, tacks, haddings,
possessiones, goods and geir, moveable and imoveable, to whatsom-
ever persone or persones, nor to make noe privat nor publict disposi-
tiones, resignationes, remunerationes, assignationes, translationes, dis-
chairges, nor any oyr right yrof, nor of no pairt of the same, nor to
make any contracts, bonds, obligationes, or oyr writts, qrby the same
in haill or in pairt, may be wasted, apprysed, or adjudged ; nor con-
tract debt, nor make * nor bargaines, nor doe any oyr fact nor
deed anent the premises without the joint advyce, consent, and assent
of my fsd noble and reale freinds, Archibald, Earle of Argyle, and
John, Earle of Caithnes, and, in case of any of their deceases, with
the consent of the surviver first hade and obtained yrt in writt. With-
out whose consent as fsd, and in case of any of their deceases, with-
out consent of the surviver, I shall doe nothing concerneing the pre-
mises. Wheirin if I faillie, or doe in the contrarie, I doe heirby will
and declaire, that all such deeds soe to be done be me shall be voyd
and null in themselves, as if the same hade never bein made, and yt
be way of escruptione or reply, without necessitie of any declarator to
follow yrupone. And for the more securitie, I am content and consent
thir prts be regrat in the books of Councill and Sessione, or any oyr
books competent to have the streanth of ane dec1- of the Lords or
Judges yrof underponed yrto — that letters of publicatione and others
necessar in forme as effeires may be direct theirupone ; and to that

effect constitute my prcrs. In witnes qrof, I have sub1- thir

prts. (written by Colin Campbell, procr in Edinr«) with my hand at

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 41

witnesses— James Currie and Sir William Binning, late Provest of
Edinr- the fyft of (August) jm- vic- and eightie-one yeires, befor thir
Edinr- and Sir Patrick Threip-Land, late Provest of Perth, * * and
witnes my hand, R. CAMPBELL, off Glenlyon.

James Currie, Witnes.

W. Binning, Witnes.

P. Thriep-Land, Witnes."

The month in the attesting clause is partly obliterated,
but appears to be what is given above ; and, if so, it was
exactly 24 days after Argyle's imprisonment. This is no
cause for surprise. The Laird saw in his imprisonment
nothing but a slight cloud, from which the chief would
emerge with undimmed brightness. The astute Breadal-
bane, who guaged to a nicety the plots and counterplots of
those miserable days, perceived at a glance that all was over
with the Earl ; for the Duke of York never forgave an
affront, and the free-spoken and patriotic Argyle had
affronted him deeply on the subject of the test. Breadal-
bane, who had already broken off with the chief of the clan,
was in high favour with the party in power, and within
seven days after the above factory was signed — the Parlia-
ment settling, very favourably for him, the dispute between
him and Sinclair of Keiss — he exchanged the title of Caith-
ness for that of Breadalbane and Holland. The Red Doug-
lases succeeded the Black ; and when the star of Argyle
was sinking, why should not that of Breadalbane arise ?
Nothing hindered it certainly, but that the chieftains of the
name had a very strong prejudice against rallying around
any other banner but Macaileinmore's. His future deeds
show clearly that Breadalbane aimed at succeeding to the in-
fluence, if not to the property, of the Argyles, and the fore-
going is just a specimen of the way he went about breaking

42 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

in the chieftains to his will. The family of Glenlyon, more
nearly related than almost any other, was traditionally
hostile to his, and the present Laird, though in his meshes,
was not uniformly docile ; at any rate, there was no harm
in making assurance double sure ; and so the foregoing was
one of the many moves in the game he played for the
leadership of the clan. The Revolution, as it finally upset
all his plans, taught Breadalbane that " the best laid schemes
of mice and men gang oft ajee ; " but even after that, he
showed he had not given up the darling hope of his life in
despair. To relieve Glenlyon immediately was no part of
Breadalbane's policy, which, to a great extent, might have
been done by simply paying, what was his due, the bond of
5000 pounds granted to him for the expedition to Caithness
This was not done; indeed, it was not all paid up at the Earl's
death in 1716. Glenlyon traditions go much farther than
this in accusing the Earl ; but I have confined myself to
what, as regards the facts, can be proved, for, much as he
wished to make the Laird a useful and obedient dependent,
I cannot see how, at this time at least, it would have sub-
served Breadalbane's interest — and he always looked to his
interest — to put an extinguisher on the family of Glenlyon ;
and I am the more confirmed in this opinion, as he did the
family at a later period, when they were too reduced to be
feared, some acts of real kindness, and as the successor of
Robert Campbell confided in him as his friend and patron.
It is delightful to find that, when deserted by those who
ought to have supported him, the M'Gregors repaid with
grateful devotion the protection extended to their ancestors
by Colin Gorach and his brave son. After more than a
century of persecution and wrong — by which the clan had

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 43

been nearly extinguished, and lost all their possessions — it
was not to be expected that they could command much
money.

" But, doomed and devoted by vassal and lord,
The McGregors had still both their heart and their sword."

Their little hoard was heartily at Campbell's service, and
he availed himself of it without scruple. The following,
among others, at different periods between 1673 and 1700,
advanced sums varying from 100 to 300 merks each, to the
distressed family of Glenlyon — viz., Duncan M'Gregor>
corrector to the press, Savoy, London ; Duncan Menzies,
late M'Gregor, Ardlarich, Rannoch ; Janet M'Gregor, In-
nervar, Glenlyon ; Duncan Murray, late M'Gregor, Roro,
Glenlyon ; Archibald M'Gregor, Ardlarich, Rannoch. The
clan at this time was completely broken, without chief or
chieftain, and, in the majority of cases, obliged to assume
other names. The M'Gregors, unlike the other creditors,
patiently waited for twenty or thirty years, till the Glen-
lyon family could conveniently repay them, without having
recourse to any legal coercion.

Argyle — condemned through a most shameless perver-
sion of justice — when preparations were made for his exe-
cution, escaped from the Castle of Edinburgh, December,
1 68 1, disguised as the page of his daughter-in-law, Sophia
Lindsay. In passing the sentry at the gate, the Earl is
said to have been so agitated as to let the lady's train drop
in the mud, which she, with admirable presence of mind,
snatching up, and scolding the pretended page as a care-
less loun, threw it into his face, thereby besmearing his fea-
tures beyond all recognition. During his exile in Holland
was hatched that ill-assorted plan of descent upon Eng-

44 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

land and Scotland which brought Argyle and Monmouth
to the scaffold. Argyle arrived at Tobermory, in Mull, in
May, 1685, and after a series of disasters, was taken pri-
soner near Dumbarton, in June, and beheaded at Edin-
burgh on the 26th of the same month, without the formality
of a new trial. The fate of the chief — as Breadalbane
was either unable or unwilling to succour him — left the
Laird of Glenlyon without hope or refuge. His tenants
were made aware of his difficulties. They laid their heads
together, and, coming in a body, offered to give the Laird
Leath-baich (half their byres), that is, the half of their cattle,
for, from the earliest times downwards, cattle constituted
the wealth of the Highlands. Campbell, justly proud of
this splendid proof of attachment to his family, yet hesi-
tated to accept their offer. He consulted his relative,
Duncan Campbell, Roroyare, afterwards of Duneaves, who
strongly advised him not to receive the gift, but rather sell
a part of the property to pay the debts, and have the
remainder free ; " for," says he, " take their cattle, and you
are forever their slave ; you cannot claim an additional
kain-hen without their concurrence." It may be added, in
explanation, that originally the chiefs levied no regular
rent, but were solely supported by the self-imposed and
voluntary contributions agreed upon by the clansmen
themselves, according to their opinion of the exigency of
the need. The feudal charters that many of them had
early obtained were calculated to strengthen against
oppression from without, and also to arm them with powers
to oppress within. The voluntary rate was called Calpa>
while the feudal rent was named Kain. In 1685, feudal
tenure was so little popular in Glenlyon, that the idea

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 45

of a chieftain alienating his lands was scarcely understood,
and leases were altogether unknown, each man succeeding
to his father's holding, unmolested by the Laird as long as
he paid the customary calpa and followed him in war;
while the spirit of clanship was so strong as to dictate an
offer like the preceding, for maintaining the standing of
an ancient family. Robert finally decided upon not de-
spoiling his tenants, and, consequently, upon selling the
bulk of his property. But as he was jealous of the
interested motives of some gentlemen of his own clan — his
friendly adviser and near relative especially — he deter-
mined no Campbell should succeed him. The whole estate
of Glenlyon — Chesthill and the other jointure lands of his
wife excepted — was privately sold to Lord Murray, Earl of
Tullibardine, afterwards Duke of Athole. Soon after it
became known that the glen was to be sold, the Laird was
present at a deer-hunt in the Braes, when the deer, hard
beset, took to the loch, which, as it is of no great extent,
was immediately surrounded by keen sportsmen. It hap-
pened, in the cross-firing which followed, that Robert had
a very narrow escape from being killed by a stray ball.
On telling his escape, when the men congregated after the
hunt, an old retainer of the family sharply turned round,
and asked, " Where did it strike ? " " Between my legs,"
replied the Laird. " Would to heaven," exclaimed the old
man, " it had been between your loins, for then Glenlyon
would not be sold."

On the 1 4th March, 1689, the Convention of the Estates,
called together by circular letters from the Prince of Orange,
already acknowledged King of England, met at Edinburgh.
Momentous events, big with the fate of Scotland, followed

46 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

in rapid succession. Duke Gordon, at the instigation of
Dundee, refuses to deliver up the Castle to the Convention ;
the King's friends are outvoted, and Duke Hamilton
chosen president ; William's letter is received, that of
James read only under protest ; the royalists prepare to
withdraw from the Convention, and to convene a counter
meeting at Stirling ; Athole wavers ; Dundee's life is
threatened, and he leaves Edinburgh and bursts into the
North. Eluding the vigilance of Mackay, he makes Loch-
aber his muster ground, and warns the Jacobites to assemble
there in force on the i8th of May. In the interval, he
comes himself to Athole, and confirms the Atholemen, pro-
bably by the connivance of their marquis, in their allegiance
to King James. He makes an irruption as far as Dundee,
surprising Perth on the way, and nearly taking Dundee.
Returning to the mustering place, he leads the clans
into Athole, and fixes upon Strowan for his head-quarters.
Mackay, baffled in the north, has returned to Edinburgh,
and by his prudence and sagacity restored confidence to
the alarmed Convention. Afraid of allowing Dundee
time to recruit from all parts of the Highlands, and the
disaffected districts of the Lowlands — for which the central
position of Athole afforded unusual facilities — Mackay,
with a hardihood that does him credit, determined to
attack the foe in his mountain fastnesses. Marching from
Perth with an army nearly double that of Dundee, he
penetrated the Pass of Killiecrankie without opposition,
but there a defeat awaited him such as seldom befel a
general. The battle of Killiecrankie restored to James all
beyond the Forth ; and, looking to the probabilities of the
case, nothing could have saved the rest of Scotland from a

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 47

similar fate, had not the levin-bolt been quenched in the
blood of Dundee. Cannan, who succeeded him, was alto-
gether unworthy of his position ; and, by the little trust the
clans had in his abilities, and his own remissness allowed
all the fruits of the victory to escape from his grasp.

Among those who preserved a dubious neutrality while
these things were taking place — but who would undoubtedly
have joined the royalists had Dundee outlived his victory —
was the Earl of Breadalbane. In a letter to the Laird ot
M'Leod, dated Moy, June 23rd, 1689, Dundee says — " I
had almost forgot to tell you of my Lord Broadalbin, who,
I suppose, will now come to the fields." But he was soon
better informed ; for, in a letter to Lord Melfort, four days
after, he says — " Earl Breadalbin keeps close in a strong
hous ; he has and pretends the gout." The difference in
the spelling almost proves, that, in the interval, Dundee
had received a written missive from the Earl, who had
then commenced to spell his name as in the second letter,
in preference to the older mode, previously used by Dundee.
The truth is, Pale John , as he was called in the Highlands,
did not wish to see the family of Argyle re-established by
the Revolution, and his own expanding influence contracted
thereby. He, therefore, desired well for the royalists, but
was too wise a man to risk his all, until victory had irre-
vocably chained success to their banners. After the death of
Argyle in 1685, and the sale of the greater part of his own
patrimony, which was nearly contemporaneous, the Laird
of Glenlyon submitted to the chain his fathers had spurned,
and became a most obedient dependent of Breadalbane ;
and in this great national crisis especially identified himself
with the latter's policy — viz., like him, remained at home.

48 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Immediately after the battle of Killiecrankie, when neutrals
and foes dreaded alike the depredations and vengeance of
the victorious clans, the Laird obtained the following pro-
tection from Cannan, the successor of Dundee, which, from
motives of delicacy in allowing him to choose his own
party, is granted in name of his wife, but is addressed " To
the Laird of Glenlyon," and runs thus : —

"Thes are dischairging all, upon sight heirof, from troubling,
molesting, wronging, or injurying the person of Helen Linsay, Lady
Glenlyon, hir Bairnes, or servants, or annie goods or gear properlie
belonging to hir self ; and whoever contravein, shall not only repair
the damadge, bot shall be punised according to justice. Given under
my hand at lochend, the second day off Agust, jm- vic- and eightie-
nein, H. W. CAN AN."

Appended is a note from the Laird of M'Naughton : —

" Cussen — I received yours, and have proquired this above-written
protection, and what service I can doe you, or your familie, shall not be
omitted by him who is your most affectionate Cussen & Servant,

"J. M'NACHTAN.

" Pray haste to the stander with all your men."

We shall see hereafter how far this protection availed for
the purpose for which it was granted.

VI.

WHEN Dundee fled from the Convention, "Coll
of the Cows," the head of the M'Donalds of Kep-
poch, was pursuing with relentless fury the broken host of
the Mackintoshes, his ancient foes, and was, on the arrival
of the Viscount in the north, threatening to sack Inverness.
On receiving a large sum of money from the town, as com-
pensation for alleged injuries, Coll and the citizens were re-
conciled through the intervention of Dundee, and both joined
in supportingthejacobite interest. An attemptwas made to
include the Mackintoshes in the general reconciliation, but
Coll rated his friendship at such a high value as to render
the attempt abortive. The Keppoch Chieftain was so en-
raged at the refractory spirit of Mackintosh, that, with the
forced connivance of the high-souled Graham, he drove away
all his cattle, most of which were kept among his own retainers.
When Coll took such liberty under the eye of an energetic
general, whose dearest plans were thereby put in peril, how
could he be controlled by the weak, unpopular Cannan ?
Soon after the battle of Killiecrankie, several of the clans
left the white standard to go to their several homes with
the spoils gathered during the campaign. Coll of Keppoch
left with his own men, and the M'lans of Glencoe, his con-
federates, in October. Determined to gather their winter
mart in going home, and aware they could not do so with
any propriety or hope of success in the land of the Robert-

50 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

sons, who had fought with them under Dundee, they came
round by Glenlyon, and gratified their love of plunder and
their inveterate hatred to the Campbells, by harrying the
little property still possessed by the poor Laird of Glenlyon.
The Laird was completely off his guard ; relying on Can-
nan's protection, the raid of Keppoch was the very last thing
he feared. No opposition was offered to the marauders.
The women and cattle were just home from the sheilings,
and the men were peaceably engaged in getting in the last
of the harvest. No sign preceded the storm. The rapacity
of the M'Donalds was unexampled. In one of the huts
they found an infant in a basket cradle, wrapt in a
blanket. The child was turned out naked on the clay floor,
and the blanket taken away. One of the Glenlyon men at
the massacre of Glencoe — perhaps, except the Laird, the
only man of them there — as he was slaughtering one of the
M'lans with the sword, used, it is said, at each successive
thrust, the expressions of savage revenge — " There for
Catherine's blanket ! " " There for Colin's cows ! " Colin
was the brother of the Laird. Cambuslay, one of the Brae
farms, was the portion allotted him by his father, and, as
it lay conveniently in the way of the M'Donalds, they swept
it clean. This was not the first time that Colin's cows were
" lifted " by the M'Donalds of Glencoe and Lochaber.
Robert of Glenlyon and his brother Colin were minors in
1644-45, when Montrose ravaged and burned Breadalbane
and all the other lands of their maternal grandfather, Sir
Robert Campbell of Glenorchy. The uncle of the boys,
John Tutor of Glenlyon, who afterwards bought the estate
of Duneaves, and founded a family there, was their legal
guardian ; but they lived mostly with their mother and her

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. $1

second husband, Patrick Roy M'Gregor, the landless chief
of his clan, at Meggernie Castle, during their minority.
Now Patrick Roy, with a thousand of his clan, joined Mon-
trose ; and so Montrose spared Glenlyon when he despoiled
and burned Breadalbane. But the confederate robbers of
Glencoe and Keppoch — or a small band of them at least —
violated the orders of Montrose, and swept away the cows
of young Colin, and some also belonging to John the Tutor,
which were grazing on Colin's lands. The " banarach
bheag," or little dairy-maid, Kic Cree, or M'Cree, who had
charge of the calves, hid them in the rath of Cambuslay,
and secretly followed the robbers to Glenmeuran with the
double intention of recovering the cows and calling out the
country. The poor girl was discovered and killed by the
robbers. They had got hold of the chief dairy-maid, or
" banarach mhor " at first, and taken her captive with them
along with the cows. In her captivity this famed but
nameless poetess composed the beautiful song, or lullaby,
of Crodh Chailein, or " Colin's Cows," which has ever since
been used as a charm to make fractious cows give their
milk, and soothe crying babes to sleep. The little dairy-
maid must have succeeded before being killed in sending
back information about the robbers and their trail, for it
seems they were pursued, and most, if not all, of the cattle
recovered before they could be got into the Glencoe
" Thieves' Corrie," Very probably, the clan M'Gregor who
owed much to the family of Glenlyon, and whose chief was,
at this time, restored to position and fair affluence by his
marriage with the well-dowered widow of Archibald Camp-
bell, younger of Glenlyon, helped to hunt down the thieves
and to recover Colin's cattle. But the raid, although unsuc-

52 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

cessful, was a breach of faith under trust, and it swelled the
already long list of grievous injuries suffered by Glenlyon
at the hands of the M'Donalds of Glencoe and their kins-
men of Lochaber. Whenever Glenlyon cattle were " lifted "
they were first, unless re-captured on the way, driven to
Glencoe, where they were kept until they could be safely
distributed among the confederates. There was, therefore,
a feud of centuries between the two glens. The modern
historians of the massacre of Glencoe aggravate Robert of
Glenlyon's guilt by laying stress on the fact that Alexander,
the son of M'lan, was married to his niece. The blackest
part of the whole business was the treachery planned by
the Government, of which Glenlyon had no notice until the
last moment. But as to the matrimonial relationship, it
was thus the matter stood : Jean Campbell, daughter of
Sir Robert Campbell of Glenorchy, married when very
young, Archibald, the heir of Glenlyon, and was left a
widow with two sons, Robert and Colin, when about twenty-
five years old. Shortly afterwards, she married Patrick
Roy M'Gregor, to whom she bore two sons and two
daughters. After Patrick's death, she married Stewart of
Appin, and by him had children also. It was to the Appin
family of Glenlyon's mother that Alexander's wife belonged.
The much married lady lived long, and the heavy settlements
made upon her by her first husband and his father, along
with the spend-thrift habits of her son Robert, ruined sadly
the, till then, fairly flourishing Campbells of Glenlyon.

The "creach" of 1689 was not recovered like that of 1645.
The cattle and the spoils were safely got to Glencoe, and
there divided. The following is the list of goods and gear
of which Glenlyon and his tenants were robbed on this occa-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 53

sion. It is interesting on many accounts, and of especial
importance to the historian of the Glencoe massacre : —

Ane List of the hail Goods and Gear taken away from the Laird off
Glenlyon, and the Tenants underwritten, out of Chesthill and
Balentyre, and Carnbane Little and Meikle, about the latter end
of October, 1689, by Coill M'Donald of Keppoch and his
Associates : —
Chesthill. Lib. Sol. D.

Impr. spulzied and taken out of Chesthill, belonging to
the Laird of Glenlyon, sex great English Meares,
Estimatt to Twelve punds sterling each, and in Scots
money Thirfore, ... ... ... ... 864 o o

Item, ane Brown Staig of three yeirs old, the sd. Brute
estimatt to ... ... ... ... ... 200 o o

Item, ane young Meare, and the pryse of same Brute,
inde ... ... ... ... ... ... 106 13 4

Item, three pleuch horses, worth fourty punds the piece,
inde ... ... ... ... ... ... 120 o o

Item, taken away of great Cowes, Three-scoir twelve,
and fyftein three-yeir-old Cowes, and seventein two-
yeir-olds, the Three-scior and twelve great Cowes
and the fyftein three-yeir-old estimatt to twentie
merks the piece, and the seventein two-yeir-old
estimatt to . . the piece, inde ... ... 1,160 o o

Item taken away the sd. time, Eight-scoir and nyn
sheep, estimatt to Two punds 6 sh. 8d. the piece, all
great ... ... ... 394 6 8

Item, Ten goats @ Twa punds the piece, inde ... 20 .o o

Item, Taken away out of the kitchen, several household
plenishing, such as rack speitts, pleats, trenchers,
and candlesticks, and uydr things, estimatt to ... 40 o o

2,905 o o
Crofts of Chesthill.

Item, taken away from John Macindui, yr. nyn great
Cowes, ffy ve two-yeir-olds, and Two stirks— the nyn
Cowes, ffyve two-yeir-olds, and Two stirks, to these
their worth twentie merks the piece, inde ... 266 13 4

Item, Threescoir and three head of great sheep and

54 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Lib. Sol. D.

eighteen hogs, the great sheep at 40 sh. the head,

and the hogs at 20 sh. the head, inde ... ... 144 o o

Item, twenty-seven old goatts and 29 yeir-old goatts

estimatt over head to three merks the piece, inde ... 82 o o
Item, ffour peir horses and mears, with their followers,

estimatt to ffourty merks the peir ... ... 106 13 9

Item, Two ffilies, two-yeir-old, the peire estimatt to

twentie pund the piece ... ... ... 40 o o

Item, household plenishing, worth ffyftie merks ... 33 6 8

672 13 9

Item taken from Duncan Cleroch, cotter their, nyn
cowes, great and small, estimatt over head twenty

merks the piece, inde ... ... ... ... 146 13 9

Item, ffyftie head of sheep estimatt to 40 sh. the piece 100 o o

Item, nyntein goatts, worth three merks the piece ... 38 o o

Item, ane horse, worth ... ... ... ... 12 o o

296 13 9

Item, ffrom John Macilandrust, cotter in Chesthill,

Threttein sheep @ three merks the piece,... ... 26 o o

Threttein goats at lyke pryce, ... ... ... 26 o o

Item, ane horse and ane mear, their worth ... ... 26 13 4

78 13 4

Item, ffrom John Macindui, croftsman, Chesthill, Two
pleuch horses, worth 20 pund Scots the piece, ... 40 o o

Item, ffrom him Twa Cowes, worth 25 merks the
Piece, 33 6 8

Item, nyntein head off sheep ffrom his sone, and ffourty
from himself, @ 40 sh. the piece, inde ... ... 118 o o

Item, spulzied plenishing, worth ... ... ... 136 8

204 13 4

Item, ffrom John Macalyster, in Chesthill, ffourty-two
head off sheep and goats, @ 40 sh. the piece, inde 84 o o

And from Margaret Macanrue, now his spouse, three
heads of cowes, at 25 merks .... the pryce, 50 o o

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 55

Lib. Sol. D.

And Threttie-seven head of sheep @ forsd. pryce, ... 74 o o
Item, Ten punds worth of plenishing, ... ... 10 o o

218 o o
Balentyre.

Item, taken from Donald M'Gore, ffour Cowes esti-

matt @ Twentie merks the head, ... ... 53 6 8

Item, ffourty-three sheep, at 40 sh. the piece, ... 86 o o

Item, off spulzied plenishing, worth ... ... 20 o o

159 6 8

Item, ffrom John M'Laren, then in Balentyre, now in
Chesthill, threttie-seven head of sheep at the above
pryce, ... ... ... ... 74 o o

Item, seventein goatts, at Twa merks and ane half the
piece, ... ... ... ... ... 28 6 8

Item, ane mear, estimatt to ... ... ... 968

Item, of spulzied plenishing, worth ... ... 6 13 o

118 6 8

Item, from Margaret Nicdermid, ffyve cowes, great and
small, worth 20 merks the piece, inde ... ... 66 13 9

Item, Twa-yeir horse and ane mear, worth tvventie
punds the piece, ... ... ... ... 40 o o

Item, Three-scoir head and three of sheep, @ 40 sh.
the piece,

Item, of spulzied plenishing, worth

242 13 9

Carnbane More.

Item, from Patrick Macarthur, then in Carnbane, now
in Chesthill, sex cowes and ane Bull, at fforsd.

pryce, ... ... 93 6 8

Item, Twentie-ffour head off greatt sheep, at three

merks and ane half the piece, ... ... ... 56 o o

Item, Eightein goatts at the lyke pryce, ... ... 30 o o

Item, ane horse, worth ... ... ... ... 30 o o

209 6 8

56 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Lib. Sol. D.
Item, ffrom John Ogilvie, then in Carnbane, now in

Chesthill, ffour Covves, worth twentie merks the piece. 536 8
Item, ffourty head of great sheep, ... ... ... So o o

Item, ane sword worth ten merks, and a plaid worth

ten merks, ... ... ... 1868

I5i 13 4
Camouslay.

Item, spulzied and away taken about the fforsd, tyme

ffrom Coline Campbell, broyr to the Laird off Glen-

lyon, Be Ronnald M'Donald, broyr to Keppoch, and

Keppoch his kindred :

Impr. Three pleuch horses, qrof two off them at 33 Lib.

6s. 8d. the piece, and the oyr at 20 Lib. inde ... 86 13 4
Item, three meares, with their followers, worth ... 100 o o
Item, sex Cows worth 25 merks the piece ... ... 100 o o

Item, ffrom the sd. Coline his subtennents, ffourscoir

Cowes, great and small, at Twentie merks over head 1,160 o o
Item, ffrom the sd. tennents 335 sheep, ... ... 670 o o

Item, from the sd. tennents, of armour, worth 66 Lib.

133. 4d. and of spulzied plenishing 100 Lib. inde ... 166 13 4

Sume of Lose, ... ... ...2,283 6 8

Galline.

Item, spulzied and away taken from the 4 tennents ot
Galline, ffytie head of Cowes, worth twentie merks
the piece, inde ... ... ... ... 833 6

833 6 8

Gallin for whatever reason it is entered in this list, did
not at this time belong to Campbell, but was part of the
property sold to Lord Murray. I do not see how Gallin was
spulzied and the rest of Lord Murray's lands spared, as it is
known was the case. I believe, therefore, the last item
refers to some other foray, which took place before the
estate was sold, and that it was entered at the foot of the
more recent claim, as the only desperate chance of obtain-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 57

ing satisfaction. In 1695 an action at civil law was com-
menced against Coll of Keppoch by the Lady Glenlyon in
the absence of her husband, but I believe a long bill of
costs against her was the only result ; for, though a verdict
was easily obtained, " Coll of the Cows," was not the man
to obey implicitly the decree of a judge. Excluding
Gallin from the list, the other farms were held by Campbell
in right of his wife, whose jointure they were, and they
formed the whole of his possessions in Glenlyon. The
foray left the laird and his tenants on the brink of starva-
tion. And that would have been undoubtedly their fate
next year, as, for want of horses, most of the land lay un-
tilled, had not the laird's son-in-law, Alexander Campbell
of Ardeonaig, stretched his credit with the Laird of Ochter-
tyre, from whom he procured meal and grain for Campbell
and his dependents. Any one, by running his eye over the
foregoing list, will understand at once the thorough way in
which the Highland robbers swept a glen. Here, at one fell
swoop, a poor landlord and his few dependents lose their
whole stock — all they had in the world — 36 horses, 240 cows,
993 sheep, 133 goats, and whatever was portable of their little
household furniture. The money value was estimated at
£7,540 175. i id. Scots money, which was a large sum
indeed in those days. Campbell, driven in his old age —
he bordered on 60 — to earn his daily bread, resumed his
sword and became a soldier of the Revolution. Early in the
year 1690, he obtained a company in the Earl of Argyle's
Regiment of Foot.

VII.

THE first glance we have of Robert Campbell, as the
soldier of King William, is obtained from the
following letter, addressed " ffor the Laird of Glenlyon, one
of the Captains of the Earle of Argyle's Regiment, present
Commandant at Drunnolich, for their Maties. Servce."

Loving Coussine. — I receaved yours, and as to what my unkle says
anent his Boats, you may wreitt too him and tell him, that I would
follow his Inclinations in it ; but I have a certain use for the Boats
before wee open the campaigne, which I shall satisfie him of at
metting. I shall need no Boats, but such as can goe the length of Inder-
lochie. He knows I am lazie to wreitt, so will excuse my not wreitting
too him. I desyre to have my battalion your lenth on Tuesday ; you
would contryve how my Regiment may be Quartered as near Drun-
nolich as possible, in Barns or otherwyse. — I am, you Loving
Coussine,

* * * * CAMPBELL.
Inverary, September 28th, 1690.

The name is unfortunately effaced, and I have no means
of ascertaining who was the writer. Campbell spent the
next two years with his regiment in Argyleshire, without
being engaged in any particular service. His wife and
family at home were struggling against the severest
poverty. After their lands had been harried by the
M'Donalds, it was impossible for them, for want of means,
to re-stock them immediately. The meal obtained from
Sir Patrick Murray to keep the wolf — hunger — from the
door, when the term came, could not be paid. Letters of

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 59

outlawry were issued against Campbell ; but what could
be done ? " It was ill to tak his breeks off a Hielandman."
Robert could not pay, and there should be an end of it ;
but necessity has no laws ; another supply of meal must
be procured or the family must starve. Lord Breadalbane
owed Robert money, but at this, his hardest pinch, did not
or could not pay him. I suspect the latter ; for now that
the family were too reduced to be feared, and their
lands had passed into other hands, he favoured and sup-
ported them as a matter of policy. Robert's son-in-law,
Alexander Campbell of Ardeonaig, paid Sir Patrick, and
the necessary supply was obtained. To Ardeonaig was
assigned the bond on Lord Breadalbane, the only realisable
source of means in poor Glenlyon's possession. After care-
fully investigating the accumulating miseries entailed upon
his family by the raids of the McDonalds — the proofs of
which I hold in my hands — I can almost understand the stern
joy with which Glenlyon carried out the outrageous behests
of his Sovereign, and slaughtered, without remorse, men
who had treacherously violated the protection of their
commander-in-chief, to plunder the lands of an in-
offensive man.

The M'lans, as hardened and habitual robbers, according
to the criminal code of that age, probably deserved, every
one of them that was above twelve years of age, the punish-
ment of the gallows. But at the Revolution, the executive
was not strong enough to vindicate and protect the life
and property of the subject, except through voluntary
obedience, beyond the Highland barrier. The Campbells
were the first to graft ideas of law and order upon the
uncongenial stock of clanship. By consummate tact the

6O THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

celebrated Marquis of Argyle had, through the influence
of religion, gradually habituated his followers to the new
order of things. The Clan Campbell, retaining all their
hereditary affection for their chief, and consolidating, by their
implicit obedience, his immense power in the council of the
State and even over the fate of Scotland, were the first to
take upon them the feudal yoke, and from being companions
and equals to sink into the vassals of M'Cailein More.
In the strict administration of justice between man and man,
in the absolute security of life and property, and in the vigor-
ous and impartial rule of the Marquis, they reaped the full
reward of what the other Highlanders called their mean-
spiritedness. The change in Argyle was rather in the
morals of the people than in their civil condition. The
Marquis was a paragon of a landlord, and his immediate
successors never extended their feudal rights to the matter of
rent and cain, which were allowed to remain on the old clan
footing. Nevertheless, the Marquis, by fostering the
change in the morals and habits of thinking prevalent
among the clans, did ipso Jacto, become the Corypheus of
obedience to the law in the Highlands, and concomitantly
also of the race of absolute landlords, who, through the
agency of a single factor, could sweep a glen in one
day of 100 stalwart warriors. In introducing changes we
are generally alive only to the immediate benefits which
they promise, and leave time to discover their shortcomings
and positive evils. The country of the Campbells, through the
changes brought about by the Marquis, exhibited a picture
of peacefulness and civilisation, which formed a strong con-
trast to the rest of the Highlands. The strange appearance of
the strongest of the clans settling disputes according to law,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 6 1

and yielding due obedience to the king's writ, arrested the at-
tention of statesmen, and stimulated them to strong efforts to
extend, through the same means, over the whole Highlands,
the power of the executive. As the Campbells were at the
head of the new party of progress, the M'Donalds stood
forward pre-eminently as the champions of clanship. At
the era of the Revolution, Coll of Keppoch and M'lan of
Glencoe vindicated the right of waging private war, and of
living by the systematic plunder of the sword as freely as
any of their ancestors of the Isles had done hundreds of
years before. The neighbouring clans had to keep watch
and ward against the marauders, and the exercise of arms
necessarily kept alive the spirit of warfare, and retarded
the progress of civilisation among the Campbells them-
selves ; for a government too weak to protect from violence,
and allowing men to shift for themselves, necessarily breeds
contempt amongst the best disposed ; and, when its orders
run counter to their wills, rouse them to opposition and
rebellion. The King's garrison of Inverlochie bridled the
more open country of Keppoch, but M'lan carried on, with
as much impunity and openness as ever, the trade of cattle-
lifting. Once in Glencoe it was impossible to recover the
prey. Let any number of men be sent against them, his
gillies guarded the narrow passes ; at the preconcerted
signal the cattle and people removed to the rocky fastnesses
which a few men could hold against an army. The foe
had nothing to wreak his vengeance upon but a few turf-
built huts, as easily rebuilt as they were cast down.
William and Dalrmyple set their seals to the doom of
Glencoe, but not because M'lan had failed in obtempering
the letter of the law regarding the oath of allegiance — not

62 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

because the M'lans were rebels — but because they were the
last to adhere to the unmodified principles of clanship, to
the idea of kingdoms within a kingdom, of the right of a
private man, or a section of private men, to exercise hatred,
rapine, and war, uncontrolled by the central government ; —
because, though a puny tribe as to numbers, the physical
character of their country made them able to keep thirty
thousand men, from the dread of their excursions, with
arms perpetually in their hands ; because this thwarted
the plans of progress represented by the Campbells, and
cherished by the king, and subjected the revolutionary govern-
ment to the laughter of scorn amidst a warlike and dis-
affected race, by showing its threatenings could be braved
with impunity, and that it was not able to afford the safety
to property and life, the promise of which formed the
charter of its existence. If the odium caused by the
treacherous slaughter of beguiled men was so great as
for a time to endanger the safety of the throne, still it was
the means of making the Highlanders perceive the necessity
of yielding obedience to the law, and it put an effectual
stop to cattle-lifting on a grand scale. M'lan of Glencoe
was the last Katheran chief. The terrors of the law pre-
vailed over the love of plunder, and shortly the thing,
formerly considered a mark of bravery, sank into the cata-
logue of mean and disreputable sins. The talents of Rob
Roy, the last Katheran, failed to make the profession what
it was in the days of Keppoch ; and when Rob died there
was no one to take up his mantle, for cattle-lifting had
degenerated into common thieving. It cannot be said,
therefore, the massacre of Glencoe failed in the results
expected by Government. Dalrymple might plausibly

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 63

enough justify to himself the horrible cruelty of the means,
by the importance of the results to the well-being of society,
ten times better after the massacre than before its commis-
sion. But there was one man engaged in the affair — who,
though concealed, was chief actor — that had every reason
to be displeased with the result, and that was Breadalbane.
He had made himself extremely active on the side of
William at the conclusion of the war in 1691. The King
placed £15,000 at his disposal to bring the Jacobite chiefs
to reason. He held a meeting of them at Achalader, in the
Braes of Glenorchy, on the 3Oth June, 1691. M'lan at-
tended this meeting, and quarrelled with the Earl about
the reparation which the latter demanded from him, for
having plundered his lands. M'lan denounced the treach-
erous character of the Earl to the other chiefs, and was
the principal cause of making the negotiations come to
nothing. Further, he threatened to expose his conduct to
Government, and show, that, though he was Willie's man
in Edinburgh, he was Jamie's in the Highlands. The
charge was well founded enough, as subsequent events
show, though Breadalbane sheltered himself for the time
under the permission of the King authorising him to act
this double part. In addition to the new insult, the more
intolerable to the Earl because he felt it was merited,
the M'lans had been, with the other M'Donald's, harrying
Breadalbane when the battle of Stronclachan was fought,
in which the Earl lost eighteen of his nearest kinsmen.
Besides, the position of Glencoe rendered the M'lans a
perpetual thorn in his side. If he hoped for success in
the complicated intrigues in which he was about to engage,
for bringing about another revolution, and making him-

64 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

self what he always aspired to be, the head of the Campbells
and the chief man in the North, he saw it more necessary
than ever to get rid of the MTans. The " mauling scheme "
of the Earl, to which Dalrymple alludes, without describing
it, must have been the one at last substantially adopted.
The time, the manner, and the agents could have been
chosen only by a man intimately acquainted with Glencoe,
and the nature and habits of its people, and also aware of
the mortal hatred existing between the M'lans and Camp-
bell of Glenlyon — a man determined, moreover, that the
" old fox, nor any of his cubs, should not escape " — and
such a man in every particular was Breadalbane. Instead
of 200, the whole male population of the Glen, but between
30 and 40 were killed. The old intriguer foresaw the
storm which would arise, and dreaded it, if many of the
witnesses lived. A few days after the massacre, a person
waited upon Glencoe's sons, and stated, he had been sent
by Campbell of Barracalden, the Earl's Chamberlain, and
that he was authorised to say, that, if they would declare,
under their hands, that Breadalbane had no concern in the
slaughter, he would procure their remission and restitution.
He escaped adroitly enough through the after proceedings,
as he managed that Campbell of Glenlyon should never stand
his trial. But under what mortal fear must he have made
the promise of " remission and restitution " with his revenge
but half-gratified, and the possession of Glencoe, which he
longed to acquire, slipping for ever from his grasp ? As
to Glenlyon, his own contemporaries accused him not of
his cruelty in the execution of inhuman orders, but of the
few hours of treachery which preceded the massacre —

" For he smiled as a friend, while he planned as a foe
To redden each hearthstone in misty Glencoe."

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 65

The Glencoe bard himself does not go farther, as if con-
scious that had he not violated his plighted word, and
murdered men under trust, Campbell had received such pro
vocation from the M'Donalds as justified the most unlimited
revenge on his part.

The Scottish Parliament met in 1695, when King
William found it expedient to yield to public indignation,
and a commission to examine into the affair was granted
upon the 29th of April. A few days after, Captain Campbell
received orders to join his regiment in Flanders. Bread-
albane obtained the necessary funds — 400 merks — for his
outfit, from Mr. Alexander Comrie, minister of Inchadin.
The other officers engaged in the massacre were already in
Flanders. Campbell's evidence appears to have been
peculiarly dreaded by the Earl, and had he been examined
perhaps history would not be now so hard on the character
of Dalrymple, and at any rate the intrigues of Breadalbane,
if revealed, would have astonished William himself, and
shown him that even he could be outwitted. From the
anxiety of the Commissioners to screen William, their
labours ended in smoke, and the M'Donalds and the country
had not the revenge they wanted. The recommendation of
the Parliament to order home Campbell of Glenlyon, Cap-
tain Drummond, Lieutenant Lindsay(a relation of Glenlyon Js
wife), Ensign Lundy, and Sergeant Barber, the chief actors,
in order to their being prosecuted according to law, was
never carried into effect. Campbell probably was never
made aware of the result of the Commission. He died at
Bruges in West Flanders, on the 2nd day of August, 1696. I
subjoin an extract from the paymaster's accounts in which
his funeral expenses are given.

66 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

To the V- & Ensign's pay from 17 June to n Aug. 1696,

being two months, at 93. 16 p. mo. ... ... ...^187 12 o

To 400 boats from the 14 July to ii Aug. ... ... 112 9 o

To the Judge Advocate for two months ... ... 240

To the Doctor and paymr- ... ... ... ... 12 o o

To the hoboyes ... ... ... ... ... 20 8 o

To on man to the Coll. ... ... ... ... 14 o o

To Gent Hospital to 1 1 Aug. ... ... ... 25 15 o

To Brudges Hospital ... ... ... ... 2 12 o

To the Capts. Clothes in full ... ... ... ... 2914 o

To laid out on the Capts- funeral expense
for linining and several oyr necessaryes

taken by the Major's Lady ... --.^131 18 o
To laid out in the house where he dyed, £

paid before Captain Fonab ... ... 127 10 o

To laid out at Brudges, where he was

buried, as per particular acct. ... ... 142 1 6 o

£402 14 o ^402 14 o

Campbell of Glenlyon was, at his death, in the sixty-fifth
year of his age. His early education had been good. He
was a man of polished and plausible manners, and had
mixed in early life in the best society. Like other men
who have left a name joined to cruel deeds, his personal
appearance was extremely prepossessing. Tall, well-built,
with a profusion of curling fair hair, and a face of almost
feminine delicacy, he was in youth a very Adonis. Left a
minor with a large but burdened property, and shut out from
active pursuits by the stern rule of Cromwell, he early gave
the rein to selfish pleasures, a course in which he was
confirmed by the gaieties which followed the Restoration.
His greatest vices were gambling and the love of
display, to which in later days he added an excessive
love of wine. In another age he might have been a

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 67

great warrior chief; for, though devoid of chivalrous
generosity, he had all the martial talents of his warlike
family ; and the man who could resolve at sixty to re-
pair his fortune by the sword, could be reasonably
expected to have been able to achieve his purpose thirty
years earlier.

VIII.

ROBERT had disposed of the extensive feus he held
in Lorn to the Earl of Breadalbane about 1663.
The noble property of Glenlyon fell into the hands of
Lord Murray in 1684. The only part of the once large
estate remaining in possession of the family at his death
were the jointure lands of his wife, and the small property
of Kilmorich, which had been so settled that he could
not touch it. His extravagance had created many debts,
which were pressing with severity upon his family. But
notwithstanding the hopelessness of the attempt, the first
thought of his son was, how he could recover his father's
inheritance. Iain Buidhe (yellow-haired John) was twenty
years of age when his father died in Flanders. The follow-
ing letter, written immediately on receipt of the news of
his father's death, explains his position and views : —

29th October, 1696.

May it please your Lordship — Being in Caithness when I heard of
my father Glenlyon's death, I made all the heast I could to returne
to wait upon your Lordship, to represent the case of the Earle of
Tullibardine's claim upon my father's Estate. But comeing home, I
understood that your Lordship was gone to London, qich oblidges me
to give you this trouble, humblie begging your Lordship's protectione
in that matter, to prevent the ruine of my father's familie, which the
best Lawiers in the Kingdome, and particular-lie my Lord Advocate,
are of opinione may be yet done, if my friends owne me. In regarde
that any right of the Earle of Tulliebardine has is but of the nature of
a wadsett, redeimable on payment of the soume therein contained,
which is farr within the treu value of the Estate. And seeing my

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 69

own uncles and cusin-germans are able and willing instantly to ad-
vance all the money that the Earle of Tullibardine pretends to, for
relieving the Estate to my behoof, I humblie entreat your Lordship
(seeing you are now on the place) to speak to my Lord Tullibardine
in my behalf, to sie if he will accept of his money in a friendly manner
without putting me and my relations to any further expenses. Which
is well known we are not able to undergoe, being reduced to grate
extremities by the wayes and methodes which were takine to turne us
out of all we had. Oranent I earnestlie entreat your Lordship may be
pleased to gett the Earle of Tullibardine's positive answer imediately.
Because the present circumstances of the affaire will not admitt of
any delay. In regaird if he refuse, I most prosequtt the legall part
before my minority expyre, which is now neir elapst. And besyds I
may come to lose the present opportunity that offers, by my uncles and
cusin-germans being willing to advance the money, whereby my
father's familie may yett be preserved in the name. For they will
accept of repayment from me of the prin11- soume in such moyties as I
please, and give me a perpetual reversion and present possessione of
the superplus more than satisffies their current annualrents. I
humbly beg your Lordship's answer, that I may be determined in
time how to proceed. The beginning of the winter sessione being
that there are processes then, hinc inde, depending. And as your
Lordship's appeiring for me will doe me a grate deall of honour, so it
will certainly preserve a familie who have been upon all occations
servisable to your Lordship's most noble predecessors, whose futt-
stapes therein I resolve to follow, and ever to conteinow. — May it
please your Lordship, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble
servant. JOHN CAMPBELL.

For the Earle of Breadalbane.

The answer to the foregoing earnest and humble appeal
came not from the Earl but from his lawyer, Colin Campbell :

Edinf. 2. Feb. 1697.

Sir — You will see by the enclosed what returne the Earl of Tulli-
bardine hath given to your Letter, and of David Campbell, Advocate,
yranent who is very friendly. Yr. friends yen cane expect nothing
but the rigour of the Law that way, fTor the Earl's Advocates are in-
sisting in ther old process, to have the restitutione made voyd. But I
judge their will nott be muche done this sessione. Iff your comeing over
be necessary (which I think it will nott this Sessione) I sail accquaint

70 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

you in dew tyme. My Lord Marquess Advocats are postponeing
your Mother's business, with delays as much as they cane. And
would faine restrict her joyntur if they cane. They have som pappers,
they say, to produce, under her own hand, that will restrict her right
upon Killmorich. We cane make nothing till we see you. They are
to be produced to-morrow. Ther sail be noe indeavors wanting to
bring it to a Decreit this Sessione. — I am, Sir. your Coussen to serve
you, C. C.

ffor the Laird of Glenlyon.

The next is from the Earl. It is quite characteristic of
the man. The issue, and the person into whose possession
these lands ultimately came, throw a doubt upon his pro-
fessions of friendship, and make it probable that in this, as
in every other act of his life, he used double-dealing. We
shall hear more about the matter in another paper : —

ffinlarig, 12 Jully. 1697.

COSSEN — I have just now red yours of the tenth. I know not how
it came to be soe long on the way. Coline Ramsay did last week
informe at Edinr- that you were ther, and that all your desyre of
recovering your esteat wood doe. I know not who made him soe wise
but it oblidged me to send yesterday an expresse to Edinr- to assure
them of the contrarie. The same endeavours are used w*- you to
persuade you of my remisnes, but I'll put the contrary under my hand.
My sone Glenurchay is just now come here, and hes spoake to the
E. of T. thoroughly of your affaire, as alsoe w*- the E. of A. & my
L. A. C. ; and q*- hes past betwixt them oblidges me to call you &
yr. friends here to-morrow morning ; In order to put an end to all thats
to be done in your affaire at this time. And that from this ye may goe
to Edinr-. Two that effect I have written to Duneaves to advance
you money, and I shall reimbruse him, and alsoe to come here w4- you.
My sone tells me, that my Lord Tulliebardine says ye agreed wfc- him
at Hungtingtower, that Duneaves & the rest of the undertakers were
to goe wl- you to Edinr« to him, qch I understood not to be soe.
However, I shall write for the rest to meet you here to-morrow. I
wish ye wold persuade yr cossen to come provided to goe alongst
wt« you if found needfull qn we meet. In caise it be not, I shall be
als unwilling that any person should goe, as they can be themselves,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 7 1

if it can be done wtout them. Soe expecting you soe early as may be,
for I had stopt my jurney for yr coming, I remain, yr affectionate
Cossen to serve you, BREADALBANE.

ffor the Laird of Glenlyon.

The bearing of the whole question, as well as the upshot,
are best learned from a lawyer's opinion obtained by Glen-
lyon a few years afterwards in reference to the claims of
his father's creditors : — " The deceast Marquess of Athole
haveing unquestionable rights to the estate of Glenlyon by
expyred compreisings in his person : He enters in contract
wt the deceast Robert Campbell of Glenlyon in the year
1684, whereby out of love and favour to the present
Glenlyon his sone, he restricts the great sums due to
his Lops, to the sum of 39,000 lib, and grants the said
John Campbell of Glenlyon a Reversion for redeeming the
said lands wtin the space of six years thereafter. But on
this express condition, that in case the said lands were not
redeemed wtin said time, then and in that case the rever-
sion should ipso facto expyre and become extinct, as if the
same had never been made nor granted. The Marquess
paying to this Glenlyon, in the event of not redemption,
ane certain sum." . . . . " Glenlyon haveing failed in
useing the ordor of Redemptione wtin the limited time, the
Marquess raises a proces of Declarator agt. him, for declare-
ing the reversion granted to him, out of love and favour
only, extinct and voyd ; and accordingly the same was
declared, and the present Duke of Athole, as haveing right
from his fayr. to the lands of Glenlyon, did pay to the
present Glenlyon a certain sum of money upon his grant-
ing a Discharge yrof in terms of the forsd reversion."
The opinion as to Glenlyon's liability to his father's credi-

72 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

tors then follows, but is of no consequence, especially as it
was not acted upon.

The next papers contain a list of the most pressing of
Robert Campbell's debts at the time of his decease. There
were many other and heavy debts due to friends, who
gave the ruined family breathing space to recover them-
selves. These papers afford a good insight into the every-
day life of a laird in the seventeenth century, and are in-
teresting for the statistical clues they offer to any person
delighting in such researches : —

John, Duke of Atholl, &c., sheriff principal of the sheriffdome of
Perth, To mairs, conjunctly & severally, speciallie constitute, Greet-
ing. Forasmuchas It is humbly meaned and shown to us By Master
David Ramsay of Lethendie, executor after mentioned, That where
umpie. Robert Campbell of Glenlyon as principal, and John Campbell
younger of Glenorchie as Cautioner, by their bond, subscribed he them
of the date the fyth and seventh dayes of June, 1661 years band and
oblidged them, conjunctly and severallie, their heirs &c, to have con-
tented and paid to John Ewing, merchant in London, the sum of fourteen
pound thertteen shillings three pennies sterling money principal, and at
and again the first day of Jully then next, with twentie shillings money
foresaid of liquidate expences, in caice of failzie ; and annualrents after
the said dyet of payment dureing the not payment thereof as the said
bond in itself more fullie bears. In and To the which bond, sums of
money, principal annualrents, and expences adwriten, the said John
Ewing, by his assignation, dated the nth of October, anno foresaid,
made & constitute James Nickoll, writer in Edinburgh, his cossioner
& assigney : Likeas, the said James Nickoll, by his j translation,
subd be him of the date the twelveth day of March, 1685, Transferred
and disponed his haill right yrof In favour of John Melvill, younger,
merchant in Edinburgh : And Sicklike, he by his Disposition, dated
the 24th March, 1688 years, conveyed his haill right to the premises
in favours of the said Mr. David Ramsay, complainer. As Also, the
said umq1 Robert Campbell, by his other bond, subscribed by him of
the date the fyfth day of March, 1669 years, band and oblidged him,
his heirs, &c. to have contented £ payed to Mr. Archibald Campbell,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 73

writer at Edinburgh, the sum of fourscore pounds Scots money prin-
cipal, at and again Lambas then next, with sixteen pounds of liquidat
expences in caice of failzie, and adrent after the date of the said
bond, during the not payt as the Sd bond in itself proposes : In and
To the which bond, and sums yrin contained, the said Mr. Archibald
Campbell, by his letters of assignation, of the date the tenth of
September, 1679, made and constitute John Campbell, writter to the
Signet, his cossioner & assigney : Likeas, the said John Campbell, by
his translation, subscribed by him of the date the fyitf of June, 1682
years, transferred and disponed his haill right qrof in favours of James
Nickoll, merchant in Edinr. together with all letters and diligence,
raised by him yrupon : And Likeways, the said James Nickoll, by his
right and disposition, subed be him of the date the twelveth of March
1685, sold, assigned and disposed the foresd bond last narrated, and
haill conveyances thereof, in favours of the said John Melvil,
yor merchant in Edinburgh : And Sicklike, the said John Melvill by
his right & disposition, subscribed be him of the date the twenty-fourt
of December, 1688, assigned and disponed in favours of the sd Mr.
David Ramsay, complainer, the foresd last narrated bond assignation.
Translation and Disposition, with all that had or might follow yrupon,
as the saids haill writts of the respective dates above written, herewith
produced, in ymselves at more length is contained : ffor payment and
satisfaction of the which sums of money, prin1, adrents, and expences
adwritten, contained in the foresds bonds, the said Mr. David
Ramsay, as haveing right in manner adwritten, Did, upon the twenty-
two day of December, 1696 years, confirm himself executor-dative
qua creditor to the said umqle Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, before the
Commissar of Dunkeld, and particularly to the moveable goods & gear
of the sd defunct contained in the Confirmed Testament, and particu-
larly aftermend : — Towitt, five old plugh horses, all estmat over head
to fiftie pound ; Item, eleven great cows with their calves, estimat to
twelve pound per piece — Inde, ane hundred and thretty two pound ;
Item, five three-year-old cows at eight pound the piece — Inde, fourty
pound ; Item, three two-year-old cows at five pound the piece — Inde-
fifteen pound ; Item, three ane-year-old stirks at four pound the piece
—Inde, twelve pound ; Item thretty-six head of sheep at two marks
and ane half the piece — Inde, fiftie pound ; Item, nine ane-year
old hogs at twenty shillings the piece — Inde, nine pound ; Item,
twentie-eight lambs at ten shillings the piece — Inde, fourteen pound ;

74 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Item, eight bolls of white oats, sown crop 1696 years, estimat to the
third corn — Inde, twentie-four bolls at four pound the boll — Inde,
ninetie six pound ; Item, twelve bolls of gray oats, sown crop foresaid,
estimat to the third corn — Inde, thretty-six bolls at two pound the
boll — Inde, seventie-two pound ; Item, of Rye five bolls, sown estimat
to the third corn — Inde, fifeteen bolls at five pound the boll — Inde,
sixty-five pound ; Item, three pecks Rye, sown at the third corn, is
nine pecks at half ane mark the peck — Inde, three pound ; Item, ane
duzon of old silver spoons at five pound the piece — Inde, sixty pound ;
Item, ane silver quaich w* two lugs, estimat to three pound ; Item,
ane silver cup, wt silver cover, estimat to thretty-six pound ; [Item,
ane little silver dish, estimat to three pound ; Item, three brass candle-
sticks, all estimat to eight pound ; Item, eleven old pewter plaits, qrof
six large one, estimat to thretty-six shillings the piece, & the other five
less ones to twenty shillings the piece — Inde, fifeteen pound sixteen
shillings ; Item, ane duzon of old pewter trenchers, estimat to eight
shillings — Inde, four pound sixteen shillings ; Item, ane broken pewter
quart stoup, ane pint stoup, ane chopin & ane muskin stoup, all of
pewter, all estimat to four pound ; Item, two brass pans, ane 483. and
the other 125. — Inde, three pound; Item, ane old kettle, cons about
ten gallons, estimat to 24 lib. ; Item, ane mashing vatt, estimat to
four pound ; Item, ane wort stand, worth half ane crown, ane pound
los ; Item, three iron pots, qrof two containing a gallon the piece &
the other six pints — Inde, five pound ; Item, three barrells, qrof two
of four gallons the piece, & the oyr ane gallon, ane lead gallon, awori
dish and a two-handed tub, all estimat to three pound ; Item, three
stands, estimat to four pound los ; Item, two washing-tubs worth two
pound ; Item, four meathers, three chopin cogs, two timber plaits, a
timber ladle, and cheeser and ane * * dish all estimat to sixteen shil-
lings ; Item, two butter cans, worth 55 the piece ; Item, ane speit and
ane pair of raxes, worth six pound ; Item, ane crook, and ane pair of
tongs, and a brander, all estimat to 2 lib. ; Item, ane old girdle,
worth I2s. ; Item, ane meal firlot, ane peck, & ane lippy, all worth
ane pound ; Item, the plough, wt. the plough graith and irons yrt
belonging, and horses graith, all worth three pound ; Item, of bed-
steads wtin the house of Chestill, four all furnished wl curtains, feather
beds, & blanquets & sheets, all estimat to ane hundred pound ; Item,
of box beds, three w4- sheets and blanquets, estimat to 20 lib. ; Item,
two stand of hangers, ane qrof stript, the oyr plain estimat to 20 libs ;

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 75

Item, ane table in the hall worth * * *, a carpet cloath, worth twenty
pound ; Item, ane old skringe, yr worth ane pound los. ; Item, ane
old pair of virginals, twelve pound ; Item, of the tables throw the
house, four worth four pound ; Item, ane old knock, worth ten
pound ; Item, ane old meal girnell, estimat to eight pound ; Item,
three little chists, worth three pound ; Item, ane ambrie, worth 3
lib. ; Item, ten old rustic leather chairs, estimat to 10 lib. ; Item, of
other chairs throw the house, six estimat to seven pound ; Item, three
truncks, three timber chists, and two bigger chists worth 20 lib. ;
Item, ane large looking-glass, estimatt to five pound ; Item,
ane old large Bible, estimat to four pound ; Item, three duzon
of dornuck servets, some of ym old, and three table-cloathes and two
hand towels, all estimat to twenty pound ; Item, three * * * * of
pewter, worth ane pound i6s. ; Item, ane glass case, with eight
glasses, estimat to 5 lib. 6s. 8d. ; Item, ane pistoll and ane morter of
copper, worth four pound ; Item, ane smoothing iron worth 2os. ;
As in the said testament at more length is cond : And true it is and of
veritie (that Helen Lindsay) relict spouse to the said deceast Robert
Campbell of Glenlyon, hath intromitted with, used, and disposed upon
the goods, gear, and others particularly abovemend contained in the
sd confirmed Testament, and als that she is * * Intromissatrix yrwith,
and with the other moveable goods and gear that belonged to her sd
umqie husband or at least doth oyrwise passive represent him, and there-
fore of all law, equitie, and reason, she the sd Helen Lindsay ought £
should be decerned and ordained be decreit of Court, order of law &
justice either to make pay* and satisfaction to the said Mr. David
Ramsay, complr, of the sums of money, princ11 adrents, & expences
due to him, for himself, and as assigney foresd, by the sd deceast
Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, conform to the severall bonds admend
or at least to make forthcoming and deliverie to the sd complr the
goods, gear, and oy's particularly abovementioned, which belonged to
the said delunct, and were intromitted wt by her as said is, and qrunto
the said complainer hath right as exer foresd, or else to satisfie and
pay the complainer the avails and prices yrof above sett down —
Yerefore, &c.

IX.

AT Dunkeld, the nynteen day of November Jm VI and nyntie sex
yeirs, In presence of John Stewart of Ladywell, Comrie of Dun-
keld, Sittand in Judgement Anent the lybelled, as howe persued at
the Instance of Helen Lindsay, relict of the deceast Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon, persuer, Summonding, Warning, and Chargeing,
the persuers defenders undermend personallie or at there dwelling
house ; To witt, John Campbell, lawll sone to the defunct Alexander
Campbell of Ardeonack, John Stewart of Cammoch in special ; And
all others having or pretending to have Intrest generallie, at the mercat
cross of Dunkeld, To have compeired before the sd comrie, and named
the day and dait of thir presents, to have heard and gein the debts &
oyrs. underwritn resting be the sd deceast Robert Campbell to the sd
Helen Lindsay, perssuer, for herself and as haveing right in maner
underwritn to be found Justly adebted to her ; and that she ought to
be decerned excrix Creditrix to the goods aftermentiond for payt. of
the samen : They are to say, Mr. William Foord, sometyme school-
master at Chestill (afterwards at Dunkeld), for ane yeir and ane
quarter, the soume ffourscor three punds sex shilling eight pennies :
Item, to Mr. John Andersone, sometyme school master yr. the
soume of ane hundreth punds Scots money ; Item, to Sibella Ayssome,
for sex years and ane halfs for hire, The soume of ane hundred and
seventeen punds, being eighteen punds yearly ; Item, to John McGillio-
christ, hyre man, the soume of twenty nyne punds sex shillings eight
pennies of fie and bounties for two yeirs ; Item, to Patrick Thomsone,
hyre man, twenty merks yearly for two yeirs — Inde, twenty sex punds
threttein shillings four pennies ; Item, to John Mcewin, Clerich, of by
gone fies, The soume of twentie punds ; Item, to Donald Ban
McCallum, also servitor, the soums of threttein punds sex shilling
eight pennies for ane yeir's fie & bounty ; Item, to Christian M'Nab,
late servitrix, of fie & bounty fyve merks ; Item, to Donald Clerich,
of fie, four punds ; Item, to Donald M'Kissick, for ane yeir and ane
half's fie, thretty punds j Item, to Patrick M'Ewin, of fie, for ane yeir,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 77

the soume of nyne punds ; Item, to Mr. Neill Stewart, schoolmaster,
att Fortingall, preceiding Mertymes Jm. VI £ nyntie sex, twelve
punds ; Item, to John Mcewin, servitor to the Lady Glenlyone, seven
punds sex shillings eight pennies, for ane yeir's fie ; Item, to John
Mcllline, herd of by gone fies, the soume of twenty two punds threttein
shillings four pennies ; Item, to Robert Mcewin, servitor, the soume
of seven punds sex shillings eight pennies for ane yeir's fie ; Cathrine
McNaughtone, present servitrix, twenty punds for fie & bounty att
Mertymes ; Item, to Mary Roy, present servitrix, on pund sex shilling
eight pennies ; Item, to Donald Reoch, footman, four punds yearly
fie, fyve yeir's fie, extending to twentie punds ; Item, the soume of four
hundreth & fyfty punds for mantinance of ye family, from the first of
August, 1696, to Mertymes nyntie sex, extending in the heall to the
sonme of nyne hundreth and forty punds, salvo Justo calculo ; or else
to have compeired and shown ane reasonable cause why the sds
soumes ought not to be found and declaired to be resting to the sd

persuer by the sd defunct, &c., &c. Therefore the Judge

decerned, declaired, and ordained, and decerns, declaires, and or-
dains, in maner adwritten ; whereupon Patrick Robertson, as procr-
for and in the name of the sd persuer, asked and took act of court ;
Extractum per me, Jo. MILLER.

Robert Campbell left a family of four daughters and
three sons. The eldest daughter, Elizabeth was married to
Alexander Campbell of Ardeonaig, and had issue. The
second, Janet, was first married to Robert Campbell of
Boreland ; and their great-grandson, afterwards first Mar-
quess, succeeded in 1782 to the Earldom of Breadalbane
on the failure of " Pale John's " issue in the third genera-
tion ; she was married, secondly, to Ewen Cameron, Bore-
land. The other two died unmarried. Of the sons, John
succeeded to the empty title of Laird of Glenlyon ; Robert
was a lieutenant in Lord Carmichael's regiment of dra-
goons ; and Alexander died early. Elizabeth and Janet
received 2000 merks of tocher, a portion of 1200 merks the
piece was given several years after their father's decease to

78 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

each of the rest, out of the proceeds of the jointure lands in
Glenlyon, which were sold about 1700 to Menzies of Cul-
dares, but which did not come into his possession until
1729. Jean Campbell, the much married mother of
Robert of Glenlyon, on the death of her third husband,
returned to Chesthill. When she died, the three Lairds,
her sons, assembled their men to the funeral. The
time intervening between the death and burial was taken
up in the exercise of such games as .^Eneas might have in-
stituted in honour of his father's death, and which Virgil
would have with delight described in sounding heroics. In
the race, sword-exercise, fencing, wrestling, tossing the
caber, throwing the hammer, &c.,the Glenlyon men acquitted
themselves with honour ; in the putting-stone they and the
Stewarts were put to the blush by one of the M'Gregors,
who pitching the stone through the fork of a high tree,
made a better cast than any of them was able to do with-
out such an impediment. Robert, anxious for the honour
of the Glen men, sent off in the night for one of his shep-
herds, called Robert M 'Arthur, who was famous for ath-
letic feats. After walking fifteen miles at the chieftain's
behest, the rest of the night or morning was spent by
M 'Arthur and the Laird trying the cast of the M'Gregor.
On the renewal of the game, M'Gregor having cast the
stone as before, challenged any present to do the like.
M'Arthur taking it up carelessly and without even putting
off his plaid, threw the stone in the same way as M'Gregor,
and it fell several feet beyond the mark. Robert was so
overjoyed at the result, as to give the gillies a double
allowance of whisky, and the mirth waxed so fast and furi-
ous, that the purpose of their meeting was nearly for-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 79

gotten, and the interment allowed to lie over for another
day.

Laird John having but the little property of Kilmorich,
burdened too with his father's debts, and bound to keep up
the honour of an old family, was, during many years, never
out of difficulties. He set himself resolutely to become free
of debt ; in effecting his purpose his whole life was nearly
spent, but he saw it done. The first duke of Athole,
though, as mentioned before, he resisted the claim to the
redemption of Glenlyon on the payment of a very moderate
sum, became a true and kind friend. In 1710 the Duke
excambed with Glenlyon the estate of Fortingall, or as
now called, Glenlyon House, for Kilmorich. The Duke
allowed himself clearly to have the worst of the bargain.
Lord Glenorchy, son of Earl Breadalbane, was a real
friend, and lent him money on easy terms. Breadalbane,
to remove the coldness resulting from his conduct in the
loss of Glenlyon, likewise bestirred himself to a certain ex-
tent, without paying up old accounts, however. He inter-
fered between Glenlyon and Colin, his own nephew, and
made the latter, and his curator, Lochnell, settle with
the former on easy terms. " Pale John " never had an ob-
jection to gain a name for liberality at other people's ex-
pense. Lochnell's answer to the Earl's request, is as
follows : —

MY LORD— I received your Lop.'s letter, the soth Jully, concerning
Glenlyon's afaire with your nephew Coline, who in obedience to your
Lop.'s commands brought home the whole papers relative to yt afaire ;
and I'm afraid yt ye have wronged your nephew in soe doing, unlesse
your Lop. see the afaire now ended in a friendly manner ; for it may
oblidge Celine's doers not to be soe forward for him as they were ;
who in law would have done his busines if your Lop. had not interfered

80 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

As for the two points your Lop. mentions in your letter — viz. the ad-
rents and expenses — I wish Glenlyon verie well, yett in justice I could
not but decerne him the whole expence, yt he oblidged Coline to lay
out in pursuing yt afaire in law ; and as for the adrents, I could not
make it lesse yn qt was condescended to by boath parties in your
Lop.'s presence ; and the more that the summe condescended upon
doeth not exceed the fourth part of the adrent dew in law. As for the
cautioners I know nothing about ym, but that I think your Lop. should
not allow your nephew to accept of any but sufficient caurs. ; and what
prejudice may be in Duneaves or his Broyrs being cautioners your
Lop. knows best, but if Coline gett oyr sufficient cautioners at your
Lop.'s sight, that will please him. I take it to be the same upon the
matter.

As for that expedient your Lop. proposes anent Airds, I do not dis-
approve of the overture, if made effectual by the condescendance of
all the parties concerned ; but seeing I am not in the cuntrie to treat
with Airds upon the head, I referre to your Lop. with concent of your
Nephew, to doe in it as ye think most expedient. If your Lop. were
at Castell Kilechurne, and all parties concerned pnt. I doe not doubt
but yt your Lop. would see yt afaire concluded to the satisfactione
of the wh oil parties concerned, but I cane not see thorrowe howe it
may be done in heast, the leaving at sich ane distance from one ane
oyr, and in the meantyme it putts ane stope to your Nephew's afaire,
qeh is not his interest.

To conclude, all that I have to say upon the matter is, that your
Lop. see Glenlyone and your Nephew settled in a friendly manner,
conforme to artickles condescended to by ym boath in your Lop.'s
presence ; oyrways yt ye allowe your Nephew seue Glenlyone in law,
as formerly ; and if that beis the event, as I hope not, ye have done
your Nephew noe favour. And more, I'rae obliged to give your Lop.
the trouble in minding you to doe justice to your Nephew anent his
moyr's tocher, oyrways yt ye command him discharge you being yt it
lyes in the hands of none to doe him justice in that matter but your
Lop. ; and though his heart faills him to seue your Lop. in law for it,
ye know very well he would come speed if he did it ; and if your Lop.
would but consider the circumstancs of your Nephew, and of his three
portionless brethren, it would be motive enough to oblidge your Lop.
to do him justice. And I may freely say, that hitherto I did bear their
vvholl burdine ; and now when they are come to be men, the least that

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 8 1

could be expected is that your Lop. would do ym justice, they having
the honour to be so nearly interested in your Lop. not asse now, but
now and always continue, my Lord, your Lop.'s Cussine and humble
Servant,

Mingarie, July 30, 1711. J. CA. of Lochinell.

A little after the date of the foregoing letter, a circum-
stance occurred, which, for a time, interrupted the good
feeling between Glenlyon and the family of Breadalbane.
At the death of Red Duncan, Robert Campbell's grand-
father, the latter being but a child, Sir Robert of Glenor-
chy was one of his curators, and under the pretext of tak-
ing better care of it, removed the Clach-Buadha (stone of
victory) from Meggernie to Finlarig. It remained with the
family of Breadalbane during Robert's lifetime, who was
sceptical of its virtues or too easy-minded to make the
least effort to regain it. When the excambion with the
Duke of Athole was completed, his mother exhorted Laird
John to reclaim the stone, as if its possession was more
calculated to insure him and his race the enjoyment of the
new property than any legal rights and documents what-
ever. The misfortunes of Robert, and the success of Bread-
albane, afforded proof positive of the inestimable value of
the wonderful stone. Glenlyon therefore demanded its
restoration, and the wily politician and hoary intriguer ex-
hibited his superstitious weakness by giving him a counter-
feit. The Glenlyon family having put it to the test, by
immersion in water, immediately discovered the fraud.
The attempt at imposition roused the Laird to fury, and
he at once galloped back to Taymouth, poured out all the
vials of his wrath upon the head of the Earl, and wound up
a torrent of vituperation with the threat of laying Taymouth

$2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Castle in ashes, should not the true stone be restored on
the spot Earl John was old, and in his last days no
warrior ; his own followers, he was aware, would not sup-
port him in such barefaced injustice, and not being ready
for battle, as a demand couched in such language admitted
of no other reply, the stone was given up. Glenlyon, it is
said, prospered ever after ; but be that as it may, at the
time it put him into a pretty difficulty with Lord Glenor-
chy, about the money he owed him. The copy of Glen-
lyon's answer to Glenorchy, without a date, given below,
has a very different tone from the humble requisition to
the Earl in 1696 : —

My Lord— I got your Lop.'s letter from Taymouth last day anent
the money I am owing to you by bond, qch should indeed have been
paid at Mert. last. 1 would pay it then without any scruple, had I
been discreetlie dealt with. But being treated lyke banckrab by regis-
trating my bond and giving a charge of horning, some weeks before
the sd term, I thought fitt to employ my money oyrways. And I de-
pend upon some yeir's adrents of an eight hundred merks bond, that
your father owes me for the Translation of the Feues my father had in
Lome for your Lop.'s payment. For the principal I suppose it will be
inteir after your Lop.'s payed. As for Ardeonaick's busines, it's as
much to yor own prejudice to delay it as it is to mine ; qrfor I think
its both yor Lop.'s and father's interest to press it, so long as all
parties concerned are living, more than myne. Meintyme your Lop.
should desyre the Earle to clear my adrents and so shoon as that is
done I shall pay your Lop. — &c. £c.

The Highlanders mortally hated William and Mary.
The songs and satires of the celebrated bard, John M'Donald
or Iain Lorn, in which the ingratitude of William and un-
dutifulness of Mary are portrayed in the darkest colours,
spread the unfavourable impression among the very men
who had fought in their cause. Fidelity in friendship and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 83

affectionate submission to the authority of parents, are un-
doubtedly stronger principles in a primitive community
than among the more civilized ; for in the absence of the
strong coercion of artificial laws, the obligations and ties
founded on the general law of nature must necessarily
exert an active power over the intercourse of men, else
they can no longer exist, individually or corporately.
Parental authority, by the peculiar institution of clanship,
is placed above all other obligations, and hence King
William would have been more acceptable to the High-
landers had he been a Khan of the Tartars instead of Prince
of Orange, or a daring usurper like Cromwell instead of
nephew and son-in-law of the late King. Harvests remark-
ably unfruitful, a blasting east wind that shrivelled up the
produce of the ground, rendered many years of his reign a
time of continual dearth. The Highlanders' rude ideas of re-
tributive justice associated the visitation of providence with
the crimes and government of the King; they believed the sins
of the ruler were visited upon his subjects, and that through
the dearth the revenge of heaven fell upon them for tamely
submitting to the oppressor of their native prince. But the
massacre of Glencoe no less deterred from rebellion that
it provoked indignation ; and the Highlands after that event
remained quietly but anxiously awaiting for William's death
as the only escape from misery. In connection with that
event, an anecdote which I have heard may be given in
proof of what has been said. On the 8th March, 1702, a
widow woman in Camusvrachdan, in Glenlyon, astonished
her neighbours by the news of the King's death. She had
no visible means of information, was far from being sus-
pected of witchcraft, and still she asserted the truth of what

84

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

she said with wonderful pertinacity. On being pressed for
her reason, she replied, " My cow gave me twice the milk I
ever had from her at any time for the last seven years."
By subsequent information it was discovered William had
died on the precise day.

X.

THE estate of Glenlyon did not long remain in posses-
sion of the Athole family. The Marquess during
the short time he had it, projected, and partly completed,
several improvements. He repaired the roads, built
bridges, and commenced working the lead mine called
" Meall-luaid/ie? on the hill of Kerrumore, an undertaking
that would probably be now highly remunerative, but
which failed then on account of the difficulty of carriage.
He, moreover, gets credit traditionally for having been the
first to introduce the larch tree to Glenlyon ; but in this
matter tradition errs. It was Crowner Menzies' grandson
who first brought larches from the Tyrol. The larches be-
hind the garden of Meggernie, were the first planted in
Scotland.

After being held by the Marquess for seven years, he
sold the estate to Colonel James Menzies of Culdares,
better known by the name of " Crunnair Ruadh nan cearc?
i.e. " Crowner Roy of the Hens." The history of this man
is very curious, but the hearsay version may not be very ac-
curate. The dramatic cast given it by tradition may be an
embellishment of the truth ; but, unluckily, having no means
of testing the matter, I can merely give as I find.

About the year 1620, a boy, known by the name of James
Roy of the Hens, was to be found among the hangers-on
of the Knight of Weem, the chief of the Menzieses, He

86 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

was an orphan, and claimed some distant cousinship with
the family of Menzies. The chief, pitying the poor orphan,
extended to him his patronage and protection, and made
free to him the hospitality of his kitchen. The boy's ostensible
duty was, to look after the poultry, from which he acquired
his cognomen "of the Hens." But everybody was the boy's
master, and for each little delinquency the butler deprived
him of his dinner. In such a straight, the lad usually made
his moan to a comfortable childless couple who kept the
neighbouring " tigh-osda," or public. There he was always
welcome, his wants supplied, and his hardship sympathised
with. Meantime he was growing up such a sharp, intelligent,
comely lad, as to give occasion to his kind protectress,
the hostess of the inn, to remark, " Many a pretty man
would like to have James Roy for his son."

The era of which we are speaking was fraught with great
events which immediately concerned the welfare of Ger-
many but prospectively the universal freedom of mind. From
the day that Luther ended his memorable defence before
the Emperor Charles and his nobles at Worms with the
words, " Unless I shall be convinced by the words of the
Bible, or by open, clear, and convincing reasoning, I neither
can nor will recant ; for it is neither safe nor advisable to
do anything against one's conscience. Here I stand : I
cannot act otherwise ; may God help me, Amen," the two
parties of Catholic and Protestant stood out openly and
professedly each other's foes. The defensive alliance
entered into by the Protestant Princes at Schmalkalden in
1531, as long as the confederates remained true to their re-
ligion and one another, stemmed the combined attack of
the Pope and the Emperor,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 87

The chronic struggle, calmed for the time by the pacifi-
cation of Passau (1552), which secured to the Protestants
liberty of conscience, broke out anew with double fierceness,
when, fifty years afterwards, the Catholics, with the un-
worthy help, it must be owned, of the Lutherans, attempted
to shut out the Calvinists from the benefits of the Con-
cordat. Matters reached their height at the death of
Mathias, 1619. The Bohemians, who had in vain protested
against the election of Ferdinand, broke into open revolt,
and chose Frederick, Elector Palatine, for their King. He
was a Protestant and a Calvinist. James I. of England, his
father-in-law, did not give the expected aid, but the British
people burned to rush to the rescue, and were ready to risk
every hazard for their German brethren in the faith, and
their leader, the husband of the Princess Elizabeth. The
banner of Protestantism, struck from the hand of Frederick
on the battle field of Prague, and reared anew by Christian IV.
of Denmark, was grasped at length by the heroic Gustavus
Adolphus, and borne in unintermitted triumph, until it fin-
ally fluttered above his body on the plain of Leutzen.
Gustavus fell amidst his triumphs, but his spirit survived in
his Swedish Generals, and the peace of Munster confirmed
to the Protestants of the Lutheran and Reformed churches
an equality of civil and religious rights and privileges with
their Catholic fellow-subjects of the empire.

While the recovery of the Palatinate formed for James
the subject of endless intrigues and negotiations, at the
same time anxiously evading the necessity of war with
Austria or Spain, his subjects, both English and Scotch —
the latter especially — sent numberless volunteers into the
ranks of the Protestant League of Germany. Many were

88 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

induced to go from motives of religious duty and pre-
dilections, and their love of civil liberty ; but the great ma-
jority were young men allured by the love of fame and ad-
venture, for which Britain afforded no field since the union
of the crowns. Of the latter class of adventurous restless
spirits was our hero, James Roy. When or how he found
his way to Germany nobody knows, and what were his for-
tunes there are almost equally obscure. Some years of
absence, during which nothing was heard of him, made his
name forgotten by all who formerly knew him, except the
innkeeper of Weem and his wife. When war with King
Charles broke out in 1639, the Scottish officers serving
abroad were invited home by the Tables. Among the
rest James Roy returned. His gallantry and talents had,
it appeared, raised him from the ranks in the service of
Sweden ; and Leslie, his old commander, was now his
general also.

After the pacification of that year the Scottish forces were
for a short time disbanded. During this period, a gentle-
man on horseback arrived late in the day at the small inn
of Weem. His dress and arms were strange to the inhabi-
tants, who seldom saw anything but Highland lairds riding
about in those days, and they, when they came had always
their "tail on," and left no one in doubt as to name,
station, and business. The stranger, without satisfying in-
quiries, saw his horse stabled and entered the house. He
seemed struck at the appearance of his host, and asked
what had become of such a person, naming his predecessor
in the public. His host, astonished to find the seeming
foreigner acquainted with the inhabitants of Weem, told
him reverses had come upon the old couple, and that

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 89

they had been obliged to give up the inn some years
before, and were now living in a hut, which he pointed
out, very poor and helpless. The stranger muttered an ex-
clamation, and without saying more walked to the hut in
question. The old couple were making ready their supper,
which consisted of "cauld kail made hot again," and a
piece of bread, when they were suddenly disturbed by
a loud rap at the door. The wife opened it, and the
strange gentleman entering without farther ado, asked
in good Gaelic, could they give him bed and supper for the
night? Much wondering who he was, both replied in a
breath they were sorry they could not, they were too poor
to have anything suitable for a gentleman like him.
"Never mind appearance," says he, striking imperiously
with his riding whip the table on which their poor supper
was placed : " I have supped off that ere now, and I shall
do so to-night. You fed me in my need, and let it be my
care to feed, support and honour you in poverty and age.
I am James Roy of the Hens — bid we welcome." He was
as good as his word, and treated them like father and
mother as long as they lived.

Roy fought with great gallantry throughout the whole
civil war. While serving in Ireland, he had a romantic in-
trigue with an Irish lady endowed with the second sight,
and a knowledge of magic, arts in which she is said to have
also indoctrinated her lover. James Roy, however, for all
her gifts, abandoned his Irish lady-love, and when she
followed him afterwards to Scotland with their infant son,
he refused to see her, and she and the child returned to
Ireland. This was about 1646, and the cause of his
treachery may be found in his being at the time matrimoni-

90 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLVON.

ally contracted to Sophia, daughter of the Baronet of Glen-
orchy and an aunt of " Pale John." The Irish lady's curse
followed their nuptials. When the bridal feasting and rejoic-
ings were going on at Finlarig, a hasty messenger announced
to the Campbells that four hundred of the Lochaber men
had broken in upon Glendochart, and were now driving the
creach over Stronchlachane, the hill above Killin. Flushed
with wine, the Campbells insisted upon being led against
the foe. The bridegroom, who saw the Catherans' advant-
ages of position, as having sun, wind, and ground in their
favour, remonstrated against an immediate attack, and pro-
posed a plan by which the robbers could be taken at un-
awares, and the creach safely recovered. One of the
Campbells, for this prudent advice, retorted upon Menzies
with the charge of cowardice, calling him the " Meinarach
Bog," i.e. soft Menzies. The soldier of Gustavus, who owed
all to his sword, was not the man — in presence of his high-
born bride and new kinsmen, who were ready to find every
fault with him on account of plebeian birth — for a moment
to bear patiently such an affront. " Each man's blood be
on his own head," says he ; "charge the foe in God's name ;
we shall see before night who is soft and who is not." In
the murderous affray which followed, Menzies attacked
hand-to-hand the leader of the Lochaber men, and slew
him, while taunting him with his nickname of the " Hens."
The head of the Lochaber man was cut off with such
quickness and dexterity, that it is said, as it rolled down the
hillside separated from the body, the tongue for some seconds
continued to articulate " Cearc, Cearc." As foreseen by
Menzies, the day went against the Campbells, great num-
bers were slain, and no fewer than eighteen youths of

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 91

gentle blood, in the nearest degrees of kindred to the house
of Breadalbane, were buried at Finlarig next day. Men-
zies, who performed that day feats of the greatest personal
prowess, when matters became desperate rallied the dis-
comfited and broken Campbells, and retreated in firm order.
The Lochaber men pursued them to the very gates of Fin-
larig Castle. Menzies, who was in armour of proof, received
nine arrows in his back during the retreat, one when enter-
ing the gate.

On the return of the Covenanting army from England,
January, 1647, the Marquess of Huntly and Sir Alexander
M'Donald were at the head of some Highland and Irish
forces for King Charles in the north. General David
Leslie took the castles belonging to the Marquess, ravaged
his estates, and pursued himself into Lochaber, but failed to
capture him. The Marquess was finally taken by our
hero, now a Lieutenant-Colonel, in Strathdon, December,
1647. History says he was taken in the house at Dalnabo
when going to bed, but this is the version of tradition.
After several vain attempts both by Leslie and Middleton,
Menzies was sent in pursuit. His men searched the house
at Dalnabo, and discovered no trace of the Marquess. Col.
Menzies, without troubling himself about the search, stood
with his horse against a peat stack, near the house. When
his men gave up the search, " It is cold," says he ;
" set the peat stack on fire ; we shall have a Christmas
blaze." On this, the Marquess, who was hidden in the
stack, came out and was made prisoner. The wizard lore
Menzies learned in Ireland was supposed to have helped
the discovery. A reward of ;£i,ooo sterling had been pro-
mised to any one capturing Huntly, and Lieutenant-Colonel

92 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

James Menzies had an order to that amount on the Scotch
exchequer, granted by the Committee of Estates. The spoil
of the Gordons falling to his share was also very considerable.
After the battle of Dunbar, Charles II.— the King of
the Scots, as he was then called — endeavoured to shake
himself free of Argyle and the Covenanters, and to form a
royal party — a party devoted blindly to hereditary right,
and passive obedience — a party hating, as he himself hated,
the Solemn League and Covenant. For this purpose he
entered into negotiations with the Highland chiefs, Huntly,
Moray, and Athole being the foremost. These noblemen
were to assemble their men, and the King was to escape
from Perth when he heard they were ready, and join them
in the mountains. By the information, it is said, of
Buckingham, Argyle was put on his guard, and the Athole
men, much to their surprise, found the Fords of Lyon
strongly guarded by the Campbells under the command of
our hero Menzies and his brother-in-law, John Campbell,
younger of Glenorchy. By some cast of clever diplomacy,
of which Campbell and Menzies were both masters the Earl
of Athole and his brother were lured across the Lyon, and
then snugly shut up in durance vile in Menzies's castle of
Comrie. The Athole men, attacked in Glengowlandie
without their leaders, dispersed. The King had simul-
taneously escaped from Perth, but was taken at Clova, and
brought back by Montgomery. The incident is known by
the name of " The Start." An act of indemnity was passed
in favour of the Athole men for their share in the matter on
the 1 2th of October, 1650, and the word rebellion, at the
request of the Earl, was expunged from the pardon, and a
more favourable term substituted,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 93

Colonel Menzies had an eye always to the main chance,
but was generous to his friends and relatives. About 1650
he is found possessing the property of Culdares, called
also " Moncrieffs Land," in the dale of Fortingall. Bold
and enterprising, he matched in prudence, if not in dupli-
city, his brother-in-law, Breadalbane. When the King
" came to his own again," the covenanting officer quietly
made the best of affairs, set himself to acquire property,
increased his capital by lending money out at an exorbitant
rate of interest, and never afterwards took any active part
in the politics of the period. He wished to buy the pro-
perty of Glenlyon when Robert Campbell got so entangled
in debt as to be unable to keep it longer. Robert's jealousy
of Breadalbane precipitated matters ; and the Earl, who
wished Glenlyon to fall to the Crowner, was for the time
fairly baffled. From the following letter it would appear
Menzies himself was one of Robert's debtors : —

Edr. 1 3th Febby, 1680.

Sir — I wrote laitlie wt Jon M'Nab showing you how I stood wt Sir
Patrick Thriepland, who is pntly in town waiting for that moey that
I am cautione for you to him ; and seeing that I am upon penaltie to
pay him before I leave the town, therefore I again entreat you to send
it heir wt all speed ; and I shall see it delyvered and get up your bond
and a discharge of that soume. $o expecting to hear from you,
imdatly that this conies to your hand, I refer the news to the E. of
Caithnes3 letters, who has written to you I understand. — Yor very
humble srt.

JA. MENZAS.

After a few years' possession of it by the Athole family,
the estate of Glenlyon was again in the market. Duncan
Campbell of Duneaves, a near relative of the late Glenlyon,
wished to obtain it, and entered into terms with Athole for
that purpose. Colonel Menzies was his next neighbour >

94 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

and when Duneaves told him the sum offered by him to
Athole, " Ah," said he, " he is cheating you. Let me go
to Blair in your place, and I will finish the bargain on
easier terms." Menzies did go, and bought the property
for himself. Duneaves, suspecting treachery when too late,
went to Blair after Menzies. The Marquess was so enraged
at the treachery displayed in the transaction, that he com-
pelled Menzies, under threats of corporal punishment, to
dispose to Duneaves on the spot his original estate of
Culdares. How much of this is true, how much is false, I
cannot say — there is no authority but tradition.

From the same respectable authority — tradition, namely
— it would appear the Crowner had his full revenge.
Menzies' eldest daughter was married to the Laird of
Balleid ; the second daughter, Agnes, to Stewart of Cardney.
— He had no sons. The eldest daughter had only one child
a daughter, who was brought up by the Crowner, her
grandfather, and declared heiress to all his property. This
lady was sought in marriage by Lord James Murray of
Garth, son of the Marquess of Athole. The Crowner
offered no opposition, and the day of betrothal was fixed.
As for the girl, her feelings were not in the first instance
consulted ; but when her grandfather found, to his great
surprise, she had already given her maiden heart to a squire
of low degree, he gave up his own plans for the sake of
making her happy. The happy man was Captain Archibald
Menzies, the Crowner's own nephew, a brave and generous
youth, but quite penniless, and dependent for everything
on his uncle's kindness. The astute and rather unscrupu-
lous Crowner had strange corners for soft feelings in his
soldier heart, and unknown to the noble wooer, unknown

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 95

even to the girl's father, he readily gave in to the love
romance of the youthful pair, and abetted and directed their
schemes. Without any suspicion, the Marquess and his son
came to the betrothal on the destined day. The hospitable
board was spread, and the Crowner's welcome was worthy
of his guests. But at the end of the repast, when the
destined bride was expected, in her place enters a servant
bearing a letter addressed to the Crowner. The latter
reads, starts up, and exclaims to the astonishment of the
company, " The bird has fled ! We are all cheated, my
lord! Here's my grand-daughter's letter, begging to
announce she loved my nephew better than your noble son
and has fled with him — fled with him, she says, for he sits on
a pillion behind her. Well, the girl is self-willed, and has
always had her own way. Lord James you are happy in
having escaped riding behind her." Lord James was not
disposed to swallow his mortification, and would have had
recourse to violent measures, but he saw there was no use.
His father on the other hand, who had before matched his
wit against the Crowner's and had been befooled more than
once, treated the matter as a practical joke, and quaffed a
cup to the happiness of the runaways, and the continued
success of his host's intriguing schemes.

The Crowner died, when very old, at Comrie, about the
year 1695. Captain Archibald and his grand-daughter
succeeded to the property belonging to him.

XL

THE peaceful times for the Highlands, succeeding the
massacre of Glencoe, may allow me now to turn aside
a little from the Lairds, and devote this chapter to miscel-
laneous thoughts and incidents, suggested by these inquiries,
or connected with them.

I beg pardon for quoting Latin ; but not having Sir
John Skene's translation at hand, I am too diffident as to my
knowledge of mediaeval law phraseology, to give my own
as a true version, without affording others an opportunity
of correcting me ; moreover, to classical scholars not ac-
quainted with the writings of the middle ages, such samples
may perchance be interesting. The first specimen is from
the laws ascribed to Malcolm M'Kenneth, who commenced
his reign 1003 : —

Leges Malcolm! Mackenneth, Cap. 10. — " Item : ordinaverunt,
quod nullus Baro, vel Comes, vel aliquis alius receptabit malefactorem
aliquem, infra dominationem suam sub poena amissionis curiae suae
in perpetuum" — That is "They" (the King and Barons) "have
ordained, that no Baron nor Count, nor any other, shall receive any
malefactor within his lordship, under the penalty of losing his jurisdic-
tion forever."

The statute of William the Lion regarding the same
subject is far more particular, and requires active as well as
passive obedience ; not only malefactors must not be
harboured, they must be pursued : —

Statuta sive Assisae Wilhelmi Regis, Cap. 7. — Assisa Regis W

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 97

helmi, facta apud Perth, quam Episcopi, Abbates, Comites, Barones,
Thani, & tota communitas regni, tenere firmiter juraverunt ; quod nee
latrones nee interfectores hominum, nee raptores, nee murdratores,
nee alios malefactores, manu-tenebunt nee receptabunt.

2. Quod tarn de propriis hominibus, quam de alienis, ubicunque eos
poterunt reperire, pro posse suo, eos ad justitiam adducent ; et pro
posse suo Justiciarios terrae manu-tenebunt.

3. Et quod propter factum judicium aquae, vel ferri, vel duelli, aut
cujuscunque modi judicii nullam sument aut capient pecuniam, aut
aliud beneficium, pro quo effectus justitiae maneat imperfectus.

4. Et quod pro posse suo, auxiliantes erunt Domino Regi ; ad inqui-
rendum malefactores ; ad vindictam de illis capiendam.

5. Et cum a Domino Rege requisiti fuerint unusquisque de curia
alterius, secundum quod sciverit, verum testimonium perhibebit.

6. Et Dominus Rex, curias ipsorum in vadio cepit ; Itaque qui
convictus fuerit super hoc, et assisam hanc infregerit, curiam suam
amittet in perpetuum.

" The assize of King William made at Perth, which the Bishops,
Abbots, Earls, Barons, Thanes, and the whole community of the
Kingdom swore firmly to hold and observe : That they shall not re-
ceive nor maintain robbers, manslayers, persons guilty of rapine,
murderers, nor other malefactors."

2. " That whether these be of their own men, or of those of others,
they shall bring them to justice according to their power, wherever
they can find them ; and that, as far as they can, they shall uphold
the justiciaries of the land.

3. " And that for holding the trial by water, by iron, by duel,
or any other mode of justice, they shall receive or take no money
or other gift, where through the effect of justice may remain im-
perfect.

4. " And that according to their power they shall be assisting their
Sovereign Lord the King, in seeking out malefactors for being
punished.

5. " And when required by their Lord the King that each, as far as
he knows, shall give true testimony in regard to the court of the other.

6. "And their Lord the King has taken their courts in pledge;
therefore whosoever shall be convicted on this account, and shall
infringe this assize> shall lose his rights of jurisdiction for ever."

Passing over very many intervening Acts of a similar

G

98 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYoN.

nature, let us contrast William the Lion's statute with the
following bond : —

" Be it kend till all men be thir presents, me, Angus McDonald of
Kenknock, fforasmuchas by the Laws and Acts of Parliament made
for suppressing depredations, thift reift, poinding, * * and conniving
with thift and other crymes, which wer ordinarily committed by the
indwellers in the Highlands, it is statut and ordained, that all heritors,
landlords, wadsetters, lyfrenters, and the heads and chieftains of clans,
should find cautione for yr haill vassels, men-tenents, and servants.
Lykeas, by severall Acts of Council, it is statut and ordained, that all
branches of clans and heads of families should lykeways find cautione
for the men-tenents, servants, and ye persons of their names descend-
ing of their families. Therefore, I, as principall, and dame Lady
Helen Lindsay, Lady Glenlyon, lyfrentrix of the lands mentioned in
her * *, as caur for me, bind and oblidge us commonllie and seallie,
our airs, excrs and successors, That I, the said Angus M'Donald,
and my haill tenents, servants, and the persons of my name, descend-
ing of my familie, wherever they dwell, shall commit no murder, man-
slaughter, deforcement, reifts, thifts, depredationes, oppen or avowed
fyr-raising upon deadly feuds, nor any other facts or deids contrarrie
to the Acts of Parliament, under the pains of fyve hundred merks,
Scots money, besydes the redressing and repairing of all paines and
skaithes : And farther, that I shall produce before the Comyssioners
of Justiciarie, appoynted for secureing the peace of the Highlands, or
any other his Matie's Justiciarie haveing power for the tyme, all or any
of my men-tenents, servants, and the persons of my name descending
of my familie, whenever I shall be called or lawfullie cited to yt effect,
under the penaltie forsaid, attour implement of the premyss ; and
lykeways to give in yearly lists to the Comyssioners of Justiciarie, or
any haveing power as sd is, of the haill persons' names residing within
my bounds, above the age of twelve years, under the penaltie foresaid,
&c. &c. Subscribed with our hands at Fortingall, the twelve day of
November, 1701, befor thir witnesses — Master Alexander Robertson,
minister at Fortingall, and Duncan Campbell of Duneaves.
Dun. Campbell, Witness. A. M'DoNALD

A. Robertson, Witness. HELEN LINDSAY.

Strange, in six hundred years so little change had
happened ! This bond does not differ much, except in

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 99

form, from the assize of William the Lion ; it takes security
against the same evils, and, with a little more minuteness,
provides by similar means for the maintenance of public
safety. The exaction of oaths and promises of fidelity,
and obedience to the law, is invariably a confession of
weakness, and affords occasion for the very things it is
intended to prevent. For the strong government, it is
sufficient to publish the law embodying its will, affixing the
punishment due for transgression ; and then it can wait
without anxious caution in perfect reliance on its own
strength, to be able, on a breach of the law being committed,
to chastise the offender immediately with the punishment
menaced. The certainty of punishment enables a strong
government to dispense with cruel or capricious rigour ; for
a small evil, which is sure to happen, is more dreaded than
a great one, from which there is a strong probability of
escape. The Scottish monarchy was always limited in its
power, constitutionally, and the fierce disposition of the
people, the power and lawlessness of the nobles, rendered
practically that power much less than what it was consti-
tutionally acknowledged to be ; yet one is astonished at
the fact, so little political progress had been made in the
course of six long centuries, that William of Orange could
not dispense with the barbarous and clumsy fencing of
authority employed by William the Lion. The causes
thickly sewn over the surface of events during that period
are numerous and complicated ; but abstracting the adven-
titious, and sinking the secondary ones, the principal causes
are not difficult to be understood. Artificial systems,
either in science or politics, unless recommended by com-
prehensive simplicity, or hallowed by the sacred association

IOO THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of years, easily succumb to unanticipated difficulties, and
changes of character and circumstances.

The social union based upon a general law of nature,
such as the ties of consanguinity, and the reverence and
obedience due to parental authority, sustains without yield-
ing many rude shocks, and in spite of changes of external
form the internal fabric is the same, and the relative
position of parties remains unaltered as long as the principle
on which the junction is founded has not been abjured by
one of the parties themselves. From the days of Malcolm
Ceanmore to the Revolution, the feudal system prevailed in
the charters of land, the phraseology of law, and regulated,
or appeared to regulate generally, the relation of the Chief
to the King ; but the private connection of the Chief and
his followers rested entirely on the antagonistic principle of
clanship. The Chief was feudally the judge ; but be the
law what it might, and be the Chief ever so inclined to
carry it into effect, that could only be done to the extent
the clan wished. The want of a standing army forced the
King to make himself content with the sort of obedience
his vassals thought convenient to give, and see his excellent
laws come still-born into the world, or, after an active effort
or two, become dead. The very men, who, according to
their feudal tenure, for the time surrounded his banner,
might shortly be rebels themselves, and were materially
interested in not bringing the disobedient to severe account.
It was only when the selfish passions of his followers were
enlisted on the side of justice by mortal feuds, or grants of
escheated goods, the King's letters of fire and sword were
put really in force. The character given by Fordun of the
Highlanders of the fourteenth century is not far from being

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. IOI

applicable through the whole period of clanship. "The
island or mountain race is wild and untamed, rude and
without morals (obedience to the Church he means) capable
of rapine, loving idleness, of a teachable and astute nature,
of comely appearance, but rendered deformed by dress (the
kilted-plaid forsooth) ; equally hostile and cruel to the
people and tongue of England, as well as to (the lowland
division of) their own nation, on account of the diversity of
language ; but faithful to their King and country, and
easily subjected to the law, if brought under control'' In
the concluding sentence the venerable chronicler seems to
lay the blame of the lawlessness of the Highlands upon the
chiefs. King and statesmen wished the chiefs to adopt the
feudal system in its rigour, and the whole scope of their
efforts tended in that direction ; perhaps the latter at times
were willing enough if they could ; but how were they to
deny the brotherhood of blood, to refuse the grasp of friend-
ship to faithful clansmen, while these had arms in their
hands, and tradition and practice sanctioned the deposition
and death of a degenerate chief? One virtue Fordun
cheerfully concedes, " fidelity to the King and kingdom."
It is historically true, as well as in accordance with the
leading principles of the Celtic race. Within, the claim of
equality of blood rendered nugatory every plan of im-
provement, and scouted restrictions not in accordance with
clan sentiments and immemorial practice ; without, it pre-
sented the boldest front of military aggression, and rushed
on the foe with the watchword, " Sons of the Gael, shoulder
to shoulder!" The King, to them, 'was the chief of the
great clan, comprising the nation, the successor of the
Gallic Vergobretus or British Pendragon ; the head captain

102 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

in time of war ; in peace, little or nothing above others.
When danger and dishonour menaced the King and king-
dom, the wild chivalry of the mountains was ever con-
spicuously in front. Eighteen of the existing clans fought
at Bannockburn ; when James IV. fell at Flodden, " beside
him lay Argyle and Athole," and many other chiefs
of main and isle. An affront to the kingdom was an
affront to every clansman personally, and the King could
rely on their swords to wipe away the disgrace ; but as for
the laws of his domestic government, they just commanded
assent as far as they were backed by force, or accorded
with clan interests and predilections.

But for all the tenacity with which Highlanders clung to
ancient institutions and modes of thought, they could not
have held out against surrounding influences and persevering
efforts so long, had it not been for the inaccessible nature
of their mountains. Till incorporated under the protection
of the general laws, till it was no longer necessary for each
man to guard his head, of necessity clanship maintained its
vigour. Judicious Acts of Parliament, and transient exhibi-
tions of vigour on the part of the central government, had no
permanent effect. The Highlands had to be treated as the
barbarous neighbour of a civilised country, until General
Wade laid their recesses bare, united them to the rest of
the kingdom by the bands of commerce and acquaintance,
enabled Government to concentrate at a short notice any
amount of force where danger was threatened, and, by a
prudent disposition of military posts, made it easy to fore-
see and anticipate each hostile outburst. The measures
for which the rebellions of '15 and '45 formed the apology,
such as the disarming and diskilting Acts, were the supple-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 103

ment to the General's labours ; the executive was now
strong enough to dispense with vicarious factorships, to
protect and punish every individual in the Highlands ; and
the resumption of heritable jurisdictions was the earnest of
its power and determination to do so. Wade, notwith-
standing the escapade of Ossian's grave, and two or three
similar exploits, knew well how to humour the Highlanders,
and respect sentiments so different from his own. In a letter
to Mr. Forbes of Culloden, then Lord-Advocate, the
General describes an entertainment given him by Cearnaich
or " cattle lifters " in the following terms : —

" The knight and I travelled in my carriage with great ease and
pleasure to the feast of the oxen which the highwaymen had prepared
for us opposite Lochgarry, where we found four oxen roasting at the
same time, in great order and solemnity. We dined in a tent pitched for
that purpose. The beef was excellent ; and we had plenty of bumpers,
not forgetting your Lordship's and Culloden's health ; and, after three
hours' stay, took leave of our benefactors the highwaymen, and arrived
at the hut at Dalnacardoch before it was dark."

Here was easy conduct with a vengeance for the
Commander-in-Chief of the forces in North Britain ; but it
was chiefly thus he obtained the love and respect of the
Highlanders. Except in the prosecution of his engineer-
ing plans, which he allowed no obstacle to oppose or
turn aside, Wade was indeed so just and accommodating
as to win the goodwill of all parties. M'Donald the Bard,
a stiff Jacobite, thus " salutes " Wade — the translation is
Struan's : —

" Hail ! fav'rite of Great Britain's throne,

Prime executor of her law ;
Whose skill and forward zeal alone

Could fierceness to submission draw.

104 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

" Thro' rugged rocks you forced a way,
Where trade and commerce now are found ;

The indigent look brisk and gay,
Since plenty does thro' you abound.

" The steepest mountain ope's her womb,

To let her sons and hero meet :
Who could have dreamed it was her doom

E'er to have vy'd with London street."

Struan himself is no less emphatic. In the lines, " Tay
Bridge to her Founder," he makes the bridge see and fore-
tell the important consequences of the Marshal's labours.
Tay Bridge was built 1733 :—

" Long hath old Scotia dissolution feare.d,
Till you, her kind auspicious star appeared ;
But soon as the celestial Power came down
To smile on labour and on sloth to frown,
Scotia, reviving, raised her drooping crown,
Discord and barrenness confessed their doom —
One closed her feuds, the other ope'd her womb ;
Rocks inaccessible a passage know,
And men innured to arms address the plough.

No less surprising was the daring scheme
That fixed my station on this rapid stream.
The north and south rejoice to see me stand,
Uniting in my function, hand to hand,
Commerce and concord — life of every land.

But who could force rough nature thus to ply,
Becalm the torrents, and make rocks to fly ?
What art, what temper, and what manly toil
Could smooth the rudest sons of Britain's isle ?

Methinks the reader's anxious till he is told
That Wade was skilful and that Wade was bold.
Thus shall his name for Britain's glory rise
Till sun and moon shall tumble from the skies."

It must be confessed there is more than mouthing here ;

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 10$

the eccentric chief of Clan Donnochie (Robertsons) had a
great deal of common sense, and rejoiced, though a zealous
Jacobite, at the prospect opened up to his loved and dis-
tracted fatherland. The opening up of a market for the fir-
wood of Rannoch was also an arrangement touching him
personally. From this source he drew considerable sums
during the remainder of his life.

The following extract of " Lybell of Mod. and Locality —
Mr. Fergus Ferguson Agt. the Heritors of Fortingall and
Killiechonan, 1727," affords an authentic glimpse of the
social condition of the people and state of the country at the
beginning of the eighteenth century. The parish of Fortin-
gall was just like its neighbours, so that it may be taken as
a fair description of most Highland parishes at that time : —

" George, &c. — Forasmuchas it is humbly meant and shown to us
by our lovitt, Mr. Fergus Ferguson, minr. of the Gospell at the united
paroches of ftortingall and Killiechonen, Moderator of the Presbitry of
Dunkeld, and Mr. John Dundas of Philypston, advocate, procurator
for the Church of Scotland, that the forsaid united Parishes are of
a very Large Extent, the one Extreme part thereof, from the Church
of ffortingall where the minr's manse is, to the outmost parts of the
lands of Balfracks, is five miles due east ; the oyr Extreme is the
head of Glenlyon, which from the said Kirk is Distant ten miles west :
The united Parish of Killiechonen is Distant from that of ffortingall
seventeen miles North-west ; and it being customary for people there
to goe to the Shealls both in summar and winter, at that time the
people of Glenlyon are about twenty miles from the Church of ffortin-
gall, and those of Ranoch twelve miles from the Kirk of Killiechonen.
In the forsaid united parishes there are four places for publick wor-
ship— viz., at Breano in Glenlyon, Eight miles west from the Church
of ffortingall, and Kinloch-Ranoch, Eight miles and ane half from the
parish Church, and Killiechonen thirteen miles and ane half from the
parish Church — which places the minr. supplys by preaching Services
both summar and winter. Then betwixt the Kirk of ffortingall and
Killiechonen there is a long tract of hills, and through the parish

106 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

diverse impetuous Rivers— viz., Tay, Lyon, and the River that Flows
out of Loch Rannoch, besides several oyrs Burns ; which hills, Burns,
and waters are often impassable, and mostly it is so in the winter.
In the forsaid parishes there are about three thousand Examinable
persons, all which occasion great trouble, ffatigue, and Charges to the
minister in travelling through that vast bounds, preaching, visiting,
Baptising, and Catechising : And though there be a sufficiencie of
fund in the forsaid parishes for stipends to two minrs, the rentall
thereof being Ten Thousand nine hundred fifty one pound Eight
shillings, and fourty bolls of victual, according to a rentall thereof,
which is as ffolows — viz., The Lands of Struan and oyrs, which per-
tained to the Deceast Alexander Robertson of Struan, fifteen hundred
sixty-six pounds ; The Lands of Slismin and oyrs, which pertained to
Sir Robert Menzies of Weems, sixteen hundred and sixteen pounds ;
The lands of Innerhadden and oyrs, pertaining to his Grace James,
Duke of Athole, wadsett to Mr. Duncan Stewart, Two hundred pounds
Scots ; The two-merk land of Dalichosine in Bunrannoch, pertaining
to the forsaid Duke, one hundred merks ; The lands of Lassentulloch,
Temper, and Tullochcrosk, wadsett by the lorsaid Duke to James
Stewart in Donnaphuil, Three hundred six pound thirteen shillings
four pennies ; The lands in Glenlyon and oyrs, pertaining to James
Menzies of Culdairs, Two thousand two hundred twenty-five pound
one shilling four pennies ; Easter More and Kenknock, belonging to
Angus M'Donalds, Elder and younger of Kenknock, four hundred
merks ; The west end of ffortingall and oyrs, pertaining to John
Campbell of Glenlyon, nine hundred sixty pound and six bolls bear,
and for his lands of Glenlyon one thousand merks ; The lands of

and oyrs, pertaining to William Stewart of Drumchary, ffive

hundred pound ; The lands of Easter end of ffortingall, belonging to
Lord George Murray of Garth, seven hundred seventy seven pound
thirteen shillings four pennies ; Duneaves, Moncrieff, and oyrs, per-
taining to John Campbell of Duneaves, one Thousand pound ; The
lands of Baelfrack and oyrs, pertaining to James Menzies of Bale-
fracks, one Thousand pound ; and the lands of Lagancailtie and
oyrs, belonging to Captain James Menzies of Cernenie, Twenty-eight
bolls victual : And that by diverse Acts of Parliament it is ordained
that minrs. of the Gospell be provided in competent Stipends, with a
fund for furnishing communion Elements, yet nevertheless the minr.
of the forsaid parishes hath no Decreet for the same, and the use &

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 107

wont is only about five hundred merks yearly and the payment thereof
very uncertain, it being collected from house to house in small quan-
tities : And therefore," &c. £c.

In the parish of Fortingall, during the space of 129 years,
property has changed hands to a great extent as the follow-
ing table will show : —

Estates. Proprietors, 1727, Proprietors, 1856.

Struan, Robertson. .. Robertson.

Slismin, Menzies Menzies.

Innerhadden, Athole Stewart.

Dalchosnie, Athole Sir J. W. M'Donald.

Lassentulloch, Athole Stewart.

Tullochcrosk, Athole M'Donald of St. Martins.

Fortingall, Campbell .... Garden of Troup.

Drumcharry, Stewart M'Donald of St. Martins.

Meggernie, Menzies Menzies.

Chesthill, Campbell Menzies.

Garth, Murray M'Donald of St. Martins.

Duneaves, Campbell Breadalbane.

Moncrieff (or Culdares),Campbell Menzies.

Bolfracks, Menzies Breadalbane.

Lagan, Menzies Breadalbane.

There is a considerable decrease in the population. If
to the three thousand examinable persons — that is, persons
above 14 years of age — we add one-fifth for children, the
population in 1727 would be 3,600. The census popula-
tion of 1851 was 2,485, showing a decrease of 1,1 15, and yet
the parish of Fortingall has not been cleared like some of its
neighbours. In 1727 the upland parts of the parish were
reserved for sheilings. These are now large sheep farms.
At the above date, as much as possible was made of the
lower grounds in the way of cultivation. The arable ground
was laid out in two divisions ; the more fertile, or infield,
being under crop yearly, while the inferior division, or out-

108 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

field, was only laid under crop occasionally — being in the
interval under grass, and the folds placed on it for the
purpose of manuring. Taking the whole under regular and
occasional cultivation, the arable acreage at the beginning
of the eighteenth century might be one-third more than it
is at present. Not many sheep were kept, and they were
regularly housed in winter. The herds were the great source
of wealth ; and in hard summers, when meal was scarce, their
milk and blood constituted the principal means of subsist-
ence. If the winter was not very severe, the young cattle
were kept on the grazings till February, and herds of small
Highland ponies were not housed at all. In a good spring
the cattle were driven to the sheilings for a few weeks, to
give the grass on the lower ground time to grow, and then
taken home. June was the time for the second and more
universal flitting. The young women and children, and a
few old men to keep all in order, accompanied the herds ;
most of the matrons and grown-up males remained at home
for the harvest work. It was a happy day of bustle and
anticipation that for setting out to the sheilings. The old
men and boys, driving the cattle, went first. The girls
followed guiding or leading horses, laden with their house-
hold goods — churns, cheese-presses, crocks, dairy utensils
of all shapes and sizes, but mostly all of one material,
' birchwood — pots, crooks, small bags of meal, and old hose
metamorphosed into salt-cellars — in short, the whole house-
hold goods and gear of the mountain hut, and that was not
bulky, for one horse carried it, and perhaps on the top of
all the presiding deity, the laughing maid, with ribbon
or snood round her long twining tresses, who proudly
anticipates her temporary rule over beast and man, and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 10$

the joyful greeting from friends in the neighbouring
sheiling.

The younger portion of the community did always, in-
deed, look forward to these annual migrations with the
greatest pleasure. It was something to be thrown on their
own resources, to be left to wander day by day through the
lonely mountains, and with minds imbued with deep senti-
ments and poetic superstitions, to meet and contemplate
the sublimity and loveliness of nature amidst her solitudes.
Fishing and fowling afforded an unlimited field for exercise
and amusement ; for then, beyond the precincts of the
forest, game laws were unknown ; grouse, hares, &c., had
not yet come to be considered a part or accident of pro-
perty. And when all gathered in the evening about the
huts clustered on the side of the burn, when the calves were
in the fold, and the cows turned back to the brae, the harper
produced the Clarshach, and the gay-hearted tenants of the
Riddhe turned out to dance on the green, or mayhap the
grey-headed Senachie, as the shadows of night deepened,
and shrouded the cliff and corrie, recounted to them tragic
stories of disappointed love and terrible revenge, or tales of
the fairies and of perturbed spirits that walked the earth for
their sins.

The extract already given shows one minister could
scarcely labour very successfully in religious matters in
such a wide district. Well, I am sorry to confess, religion,
as now the word is understood, had then very little hold over
some of the parishioners of Fortingall. An attendance at the
parish church on the great festival days, and an observance
in private of a few superstitious rites — some derived from
Rome, some from Druidism— constituted almost the sum

HO THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

total of their religion. The memoirs of Dugald Buchanan
tell how the Rannoch people met on the Sundays to play
at football, &c., and the rest of the parish was not much
better. Buchanan brought about in Rannoch a great social
reform, in regard at least to the observance of the Sabbath,
and outward duties of religion. M'Arthur, a man of similar
character and profession, laboured contemporaneously for
the same end in Glenlyon. Attaching himself to the young,
as the more susceptible of improvement, he followed them
to the sheilings, and carried on his Bible teaching there.
On the sheep farm of Lochs, formerly the sheilings of the
district of Roro, a conical hillock, rising from a level boggy
plain, erects itself like a sentinel over the neighbouring
land and water, at the east end of Loch Daimdhe. Here
M'Arthur congregated his untutored hearers, and translated
for them, each Sunday, a chapter of the Bible, and a piece
of Matthew Henry's Commentary — for the Irish Bibles of
1690 were possessed and understood but by few, and
Stewart of Killin had not yet finished his Gaelic translation.
Let me ask, in parenthesis, how could the Highlanders
have been so unmindful of the minister of Killin's claims
on their gratitude ? No memorial of their love and reve-
rence, not even the rudest, marks his final resting-place in
the churchyard of Killin ; yet he was the first man who
gave them the Word of God in their own language. It
was through his unrequited labours that the Government
and Church were, after many fruitless efforts, successful in
civilising and Christianising the Highlands and isles. In
honouring him, they would honour themselves, and the
priceless legacy he bequeathed them and their children.
James Stewart, as much as, perhaps more than, any bard

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. Ill

warrior, or philosopher, was the benefactor of his race.
Shall it always be said that he sleeps in the grave, into which
he had sunk wearied and impoverished by his stupendous work,
uncared for and unhonoured by the people whom his labours
helped to enroll in the catalogue of fervent Christians ?

To return to M 'Arthur: he and his hearers were on a cer-
tain Sabbath disturbed amidst their devotions by the yelling
of the dogs, which, having accompanied their owners to the
religious exercise, and not feeling so edified as the bipeds,
had gone on a little excursion of their own, and had started
a deer in a neighbouring den, and thereby caused the sud-
den clamour. The deer meeting the hillock congregation
in front, and the dogs following behind, took the water
near the spot where they were assembled. Notwithstand-
ing M 'Arthur's entreaties, his hearers in a moment changed
into keen huntsmen, and dispersed at the top of their speed
for the different places where the stag was thought likely to
land. The issue of the sport was unsuccessful. One man
threw his axe at the deer's head, when swimming to the
shore, but missed, and the axe sank into the lake. On
this, some of the more pious began to suggest it was the
devil in deer's likeness, that came to interrupt their devo-
tions ; but the hero of the axe protested, declaring, " devil
or no devil, it was, notwithstanding, a fat stag of ten, and
I would have killed him were he a devil ever so much, if
I had another axe." Though things of this sort did hap-
pen at times, M' Arthur's efforts bore much fruit, and his
memory was for a long time religiously revered. Here
is another anecdote of the same description. A Glen-
lyon woman who died 40 or 50 years ago, when nearly
a 100 years of age, in telling her sheiling experience, used

112 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

to add, to the horror of her more pious descendants, " Fionn-
aghleann mo chridhe thar nach bidhe Di-domhnuich " — i.e.
" Finglen of my heart, where there would be no Sunday."
Finglen, or the " Glen of the Feinne," was a shelling in the
Braes of Glenlyon, adjoining the old royal forest of Ben-
taskerly, or, as then called, Coirecheathaich. The foresters,
sometime before the year 1740, built a hut on the march over-
looking Finglen, and there watched the cattle and pounded
them when trespassing. The sheiling maidens, after two or
three exploits of this kind on the part of their neighbours,
got exasperated, and formed the doughty resolution of
pulling their hut about the foresters' ears, and making them
decamp mstanter. A Sunday, of all days in the week, was
chosen, because most of the foresters were then absent. The
furious maidens carried the fortress of turf by a coup-de-mam ^
pelted the foresters present to perfection, and left not a
stone or rather a turf standing on the other. The foresters
were so ungallant as to make a formal complaint to the
Earl of Breadalbane, and he put the machinery of legal
punishment in motion. It was easily done at that time.
Sir Duncan Cameron with Lochnell's company of the Black
Watch was then guarding the peace of the district, and a
detachment of it pounced upon the Amazons, hurried them
to Perth, bare headed and bare footed as they stood, and
clapped them into jail. They were tried, but got off
with flying colours. Their landlord, James Menzies
of Culdares, like a true Highlander, attended court to see
justice done ; he became security for their future good be-
haviour ; and when they were liberated he placed himself
and his piper at their head and marched through Perth to
the defiant strains of

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 113

" Gabhaidh mise'n rathad mor,

Olc, air mhath le each e. "
" On the road I go ; on the road I go ;
Where'er I like I'll go,
Be others pleased or no."

This was the occasion of beginning a lawsuit about bounds
which nearly ruined the heir of the Crowner.

But though the Highlanders were, as shown, careless about
religion, the kirk-session at that date exercised an import-
ant jurisdiction over the whole field of morals, trenching
much, indeed, upon what now exclusively belongs to the
civil courts. Of all judicatories it was the most respected
and best obeyed ; for the Highlanders, remiss and careless
in other matter, set great store by the ordinances of bap-
tism and communion ; and the cutty-stool and sackcloth
gown were much more dreaded in 1700 than the threats of
the law and " tout " of the royal horn. Seeing there were
few restrictions on the intercourse of the sexes, and consider-
ing the oblique idea they had of some other moral duties,
it is astonishing to find how little the evil of illegitimacy
prevailed ; and it is mortifying to think that the snood and
poetry of 1700 were far more efficient in guarding the
stream of domestic affection pure and undefiled, than the
boasted knowledge and gospel light of 1856. " Love strong
as death, pure as the mountain spring," was the theme of
poet and senachie. The loss of the snood, the emblem of
maidenhood, carried in itself a sentence of social ostracism.

A frail one of the better class, who went astray with a
man below her station, was the cause of a tragic catastrophe
in the preceding century (1640 or thereabouts), which legend
and song yet conspire to keep in memory. She was a

daughter of Campbell of Lawers, and fell in love with

H

114 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

her father's harper or fiddler. Her degradation became
known to the family. Her brothers watched and caught
her and her swain together in a sheiling on the side of
Benlawers. The fiddler run for sweet life, with the infuri-
ated youths at his heels. When making a desperate leap
over a rock, he fell and broke his leg. The avengers of
family honour were upon him, and barbarously maltreated
him. The reel tune commemorating the circumstance is
well known to the lovers of Highland music — "Nighean
Tighearna Labhair," &c.

XII.

T3 EFORE returning to the Campbells, I may be allowed,
-D because of their place in local story, to devote a short
space to Robertson of Struan and the McGregors of Roro.
Their wild tragic story makes the McGregors stand out the
conspicuous heroes of romance and song. Besides, the
history of this branch, not the least remarkable of the " three
houses " into which persecution had broken the clan, is, I
believe, far less familiarly known than that of the others.
As for Struan, the erring, chivalrous, poetic chief of Clan-
Donnachie, of all the old lairds he was the popular favourite,
and the supposed prototype of the " Baron of Bradwardine "
must be an object of interest to the admirers — and who are
not ? — of the tale of Waverley.

" Duncan the Fat," if the traditions of the Robertsons
are to be believed, was a descendant of Angus Mor, Lord of
the Isles. He was the contemporary and fellow-in-arms of
Robert Bruce. From him, as their founder, the clan as-
sumed the name of Clan-Donnachie or Duncansons.
Antiquaries deny the traditional genealogy from the
MacDonalds, and prove, indeed, from ancient charters
and the term " de Atholia," "of Athole "—uniformly
ascribed in old writings to the heads of the family — that
they were the male representatives of the ancient Earls of
Athole — a genealogy which would carry them back to
Crinan Abbot of Dunkeld,and the stem from which branched

Il6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

so many kings and princes. The clan took the name of
Robertson from Robert, great-grandson of Duncan the Fat,
who helped to capture and bring to justice Graham and the
Master of Athole, both participators in the murder of James
I. The property of the Struans, of large extent under
Duncan the Fat, gradually decreased ; but the influence of
the family remained fixed ; for the antiquity of the race,
and the readiness with which the successive chiefs of Clan-
Donnachie emulated the deeds of their ancestors — be it for
good or evil — recommended them to the love and allegiance
of the lawless Highlanders. In 1715 the chief of Struan
could raise 800 men.

During the wars of Montrose, the Robertsons had per-
formed the part of brave, dutiful, and devoted subjects, for
which they were formally thanked by Charles II. in a letter
under his own hands, dated Chantilly, 1655.

On the breaking out of the Revolution of 1688, our hero
Alexander Robertson, then a young man, was at the head
of the clan. He had lately succeeded his father, who also
bore the name of Alexander, in the leadership. Nurtured
in the highest ideas of loyalty, and inflamed with the
renown his uncle and father acquired in the service of
Charles, he joined Dundee at once, and is said to have
been a principal instigator in making Stewart of Ballechin
seize the Castle of Blair, and fortify it for King James.
Lord Murray, who espoused the side of King William,
attempted in vain to get possession of his father's castle,
and was equally unsuccessful in restraining the Atholemen
from following Dundee. Struan fought under Dundee at
Killiecrankie, and shared in every attempt of the Jacobites
until the Battle of Dunkeld. The Highlanders then, as

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 1 1/

is well known, infuriated at the incapacity of Caiman, and
despairing of being able longer to keep the field, resolved
to disperse. They first, however, entered into a bond of
association for supporting King James and protecting one
another. Struan, with characteristic impetuosity, was the
first to sign this document, which is in the following
terms : —

We, Lord James Murray, Patrick Stewart of Ballechan, Sir John
M'Lean, Sir Donald M 'Donald, Sir Ewen Cameron, Glengarie,
Benbecula, Sir Alexander M'Lean, Appin, Enveray, Keppoch,
Glencoe, Strowan, Calochele, Lieut-Col. M'Gregor, Bara, Large,
M'Naughton, do hereby bind and oblige ourselves, for his Majesty's

service and our safeties, to meet at , the day of September

next, and bring along with us fencible men. That is to say,

Lord James Murray and Ballechan, ; Sir John M'Lean, 200 ;

Sir Donald M 'Donald, 200 ; Sir Ewen Cameron, 200 ; Glengarie, 200 ;
Benbecula, 200 ; Sir Alexander M'Lean, 100 ; Appin, 100 ; Enveray,
loo ; Keppoch, 100 ; Lieut-Col. McGregor, 100 ; Calochele, 50 ;
Strowan, 60 ; Bara, 50 ; M'Naughtan, 50 ; Large, 50. But in case
any of the rebels shall assault or attack any of the above-named
persons betwixt the date hereof and the said day of rendezvous, we do
all solemnly promise to assist one another to the utmost of our power.
As witness these presents signed by us at the Castle of Blair the 24th
of August, 1689 years. (Signed) Al. Robertson ; D. M'Neil ; Alex.
M'Donald ; do. M'Gregor ; Alex. M'Donel ; D. M'Donatd; D. M'D.
of Benbecula ; Al. M'Donald; Tho. Farqrson ; Jo. M'Leane ; E.
Cameron of Lochiel ; Al. Stuart.

They never met again. Mackay came, soon after this,
to Blair. Struan was taken prisoner by him, or by the
garrison he left there, and sent to Edinburgh. Fortunately
for him, Struan found a true and powerful friend in the
Earl of Argyle, who stood by him in this emergency. When
the unfortunate expedition of Argyle and Monmouth took
place in 1685, all the adjacent clans, with the exception of
the Robertsons, obeyed the orders of the Privy-Council in

Il8 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

taking arms against the Campbells. Struan's father asked
and obtained leave to stay at home, and preserve the
country from thefts and depredations. From some old
kindnesses he was unwilling to join in crushing Argyle ;
and when the bubble burst, he is said to have afforded
refuge and means of escape to some members of Argyle's
family. No sooner, therefore, was Struan imprisoned
than the heir of the unfortunate Earl stood forth as his
protector. He procured his being set at liberty out of the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh on parole, and afterwards got him
exchanged as a prisoner of war for Sir Robert Pollock, who
was taken by Dundee at the commencement of hostilities,
and afterwards retained a prisoner in Mull. Struan had full
liberty to join his unfortunate Master wherever he could
find him, and he accordingly went to France, and remained
at St. Germains, as it would appear, until the death of
James. Peculiarly accessible to every generous emotion, he
commemorates his escape in a short poem, which he styles

GRATITUDE : AN EPIGRAM.

" Sure we remember how, in days of yore,
When fawning chiefs oppressed Macaillein-Voir,
And fraudfully brought on his hasty fall
Clan-Donnoch's fairer chief forsook them all :
He nobly waved to lend his helping hand
To what he thought too rigid a command,
And ventured rather to displease the King
Than meanly bend to an unmanly thing.
This deed of worth remained not long unpaid,
But the foundation of strong friendship laid.
Clan-Donnoch's heir, while yet in early bloom,
Moved by some dictates of too subtle Rome,
By Argethalian power was kindly freed
From hostile bondage and forbad to bleed.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 119

Thus generous actions and a grateful mind,
By mutual impulse mutually inclined,
Alternately beget each others' kind.
O ! may this plighted ardour still remain
Fixed without change, and fair without a stain."

The estate was forfeited, but Argyle obtained a grant
of it for the family, in trust, as it was understood, for
Struan.

The Government watched the Robertsons, they were so
unruly as to need it, and for some years after, Struan's
step-mother required to get security for the good behaviour
of his younger brother, as the following paper shows : —

Be it knowne to all men be thir present Letters, me, Alexander
Robertsone, Baillie in Perth, fforasmeikleas John Campbell of Glen-
lyon has, at my earnest desyre and requeist, become catione and
security for Labarrowes, acted in the books of Counsell and Session,
for Duncan Robertsone, second lawfull son to the deceist Alexander
Robertsone of Strowan, Donald Robertsone his servitor, Donald More
M'Keissock in Gary, and John Caanoch, servitor to the said Duncan
Robertsone : that Marion Baillie, relict of the said deceist Alexander
Robertsone, her tennents, cottars, servants, and oyrs, shall be harmless
and skaithless in yer bodies, lands, heritadges, and others, from each
of the fornamed persons, under the pain of four hundred merks Scots
moy. Therefor witt ye me to be bund and obleidged, as I, be thir
presents, bind and obleidge me, my airs, successors, & executors, to
warrand, freily releive, & skaithless keep the said John Campbell of
his cationrie abovewritten, and of all coast, skaith, damadge, interest,
or expenses, he shall happen to sustain or incur through his being
securitie for the forenamed persons, or oyr of them, any manner of
way, or in any sort. And I consent that this be insert and regrate in
the books of Counsel and Session, &c. In witness yiof, I have sub-
scribed thir presents at Edinr. the eight day of March, ane thousand
seven hundred years, before thir witnesses — James Drummond, wryter
in Edinburgh, and John Hodge, his servitor.

Jas. Drummond, witness. A. ROBERTSONE.

Jo. Hodge, witness.

120 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

It appears the step-mother of Struan was unworthy of
the trust reposed in her by the deceased chief. Some years
after Struan went into exile, she made a degrading mar-
riage with her former husband's harper. This harper was
also a Robertson, and I believe his race are still called "clann-
a-chlarschair." The clan took this step in deep dudgeon,
and young Duncan, with a few headstrong followers,
entered into very illegal plans for depriving her of all
means and authority — wherefore the above. As for Struan,
when he heard it in France, he vowed he would never
marry, and kept the vow religiously to the end of his life.
His poems afford abundant evidence that he had but a very
low opinion of the sex in general — a result which, however,
the licentious morals of France under Louis XIV. and the
Regent Orleans, and the gay reckless characters with whom
he associafed in that country, may have had as much con-
tributed to bring about as the defection of his step-mother.

Struan amused himself in exile by satirising the deeds
and characters of William and his ministers. The staunch
believer in the divine right of kings considered the use of
the most scurrilous epithets justifiable, if not meritorious,
towards the " usurper " William. However amusing and
agreeable to the Court of St. Germains his poetic efforts
in this line might have been, his gems of rough -and
ready wit lie too often deeply bedded in terms and senti-
ments abhorred by an age of greater propriety for being
acceptable now. The following, written a few years after
his arrival in France, will bear being quoted : —

REVOLUTION ADVANTAGES.

" I love to rehearse,
In dutiful verse,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON 121

The joys our deliverer gave us,

When he wafted ashore

Three thousand and more
Of Papists from Popery to save us.

Such prudence he had,

Or of good or of bad,
To cherish the party prevailing ;

And for thought of the throne

Declared he had none,
As was honestly seen by his dealings.

Yet he set off the King,
That impertinent thing
That is called the Almighty's Anointed,
Whose begetting a son
Was unmannerly done,
Since Orange's nose it disjointed.

His love to the Dutch,

His country, was such
That he thought us too happily stated ;

So our ills to restrain,

Crossed over the main
Our commerce and lion he translated.

Our Church cannot fear

His fatherly care —
We see how his prelates have voted,

That in they may foist

The Apostates of Christ,
And divines like themselves be promoted.

His sanctified rage

Reforms the lewd age
In spite of the wicked's aspersion ;

For with hand and with tongue

He's reclaiming the young
From ways that are virtue's aversion.

His conscience inclines
To caress the divines
Who degrade his dear Son from his station ;

122 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

For except his dear self,
Since we're drained of our pelf,
They have left ne'er a God in the nation.

Such tenets as these

Must certainly please,
To abolish religion and goodness ;

For if faith comes about

Then murder will out,
And adieu usurpation and lewdness.''

Never had an unfortunate Prince been so deserted in his
utmost need by all who were bound by oath, gratitude, and
natural affection, to support him, as James II. on the
landing of the Prince of Orange. Nobles, churchmen,
soldiers, fled from him as if he had the plague. Lord Churc-
hill (afterwards the celebrated Duke of Marlborough), who
had been raised by James from the rank of a page to a high
command in the army and a place in the peerage, not only
deserted his benefactor, but, by means of his lady — the
notorious Sarah — induced the Princess Anne, and her
husband George of Denmark, to go also over to the rebel
camp. Struan ridicules the universal fickleness with much
smartness and jovial humour in a song which he calls

THE WHEEL OF LIFE.

" The wheel of life turns whimsically round,
And nothing in this world of constancy is found ;
No principle, no tie, in either Church or State,
But interest overrules : such is the will of fate.

The churchman, who in faith should be refined.
The weather- cock does blame, that wheels with every wind :
Yet touch him with your coin, and you shall quickly see
The needle to the pole wheels not so fast as he !

The lawyer swears he is sure your cause is just,

And bids you, with a smile, on him repose your trust ;

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 123

But if a greater fee into his hand they slide,

He straight begins to doubt, and wheels to t'other side.

The soldier who with honour is replete,
By solemn oath is bound to serve the King and State ;
But if contending, two pretenders come in play,
He wheels about to him that gives the greater pay.

The courtier turns, to gain his private ends,
Till he so giddy grown, he quite forgets his friends :
Prosperity of time deceives the proud and vain,
It wheels them in so fast, it wheels them out again.

Thus all mankind on fortune's wheel do go,
And as some mount on high, some others tumble low ;
From whence we all agree, tho' many think it strange,
No sublunary thing can live without a change.

Then fill about a bumper to the brim,
Till all repeat it round, and every noddle swim !
How pleasing is the charm that makes our table reel,
And all around it laugh at Fortune at her wheel ! "

XIII.

A PROCLAMATION of indemnity being published by
Queen Anne in March, 1703, in favour of all who had
borne arms against Government since 1688, most of the Jaco-
bites in France then came home. Struan returned with the
rest. He quietly took possession of his property, as if no
forfeiture had taken place. Now his own master, and the
independent chief of several hundred devoted adherents, he
began with enthusiasm to form plans for the beautifying
and improving of his estate, in the prosecution of which
he exhibited a great deal of sound common-sense, mingled
with the taste acquired in France, and with not a little of
his own natural oddity of character. The fir woods were
turned to account, and good regulations laid down for the
proper grazing and cultivation of the ground. But the
favourite creation of Struan's taste was the Hermitage of
Mount Alexander. Choosing the bold bluff mound, stand-
ing, sentinel-like, at the entrance of Rannoch for a site,
he placed his nest on the top, and ornamented and
planted all round, as he himself styles it, " A la mode de
France." From this sanctuary woman was strictly ex-
cluded. He was exclusively served by male attendants,
and the company invited to his jovial bachelor feasts were,
without exception, of the same sex. To his servants he
was a kind and indulgent master. This was the advice he
gave one of them when entering upon his employment : —

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 125

" You are a stranger, and I'll tell you the sort of master
you have got. I'll make you serve me right. I'm dread-
fully hasty, too, and shall scold you at times without rhyme
or reason. When I'm angry, I'll not bear you to be inso-
lent, nor a dumb dog neither. When you are right and I
wrong, defend yourself like a man, but do it without im-
pertinence." Almost every gate and door about the Her-
mitage bore proofs of Struan's poetical talents. Take for
example : —

LINES OVER THE DOOR OF MOUNT ALEXANDER.

" Turn thee, judicious guest, and relish all
The various beauties of the globe, in small.
The power and being of a God you'll trace
In the contexture of this narrow space."

OVER THE DINING ROOM DOOR.

" Let no excess in our plain board appear,
For moderation is the best of cheer.
Oft-times the man, in meat and drink profuse,
Frantic or dull, with the bewitching juice,
Forgets the God that gave it for his use."

OVER THE BEDCHAMBER DOOR.

" Here taste a sweet and undisturbed repose,
A short-lived death t' unbend thy mind from woes.
Yet be prepared, not knowing but thou'rt bound
To fetch thy nap till the last trump shall sound."

But the " Lines over Mount Alexander Gate " were those
that chiefly provoked the ire of the fair, and called forth
their poetical castigation : —

"In this small spot whole paradise you'll see,
With all its plants but the forbidden tree.
Here every sort of animal you'll find,
Subdued, but woman who betrayed mankind.

126 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

All kinds of insects, too, their shelter take
Within these happy groves, except the snake.
In fine, there's nothing poisonous here enclosed,
But all is pure as heaven at first disposed.
Woods, hills, and dales, with milk and corn abound.
Traveller, pull off thy shoes, 'tis holy ground."

The jovial, whimsical, warm-hearted Struan was a prime
favourite with all parties. He was, in fact, a privileged
person. His known eccentricity, his learning, and poetical
genius, no less than his extreme sense of honour, and the
antiquity of his family, endeared him to Whig and Jaco-
bite, and excused in him those political sallies and prac-
tices which would consign another to a State prison.
Struan was no intriguer. He could only think of the
restoration of his " King " by a bold and chivalrous coup-
de-main. But though not implicated in the tortuous secret
checks and counter-checks of parties, he could see by his
frolicsome eye more than those he came in contact with
counted upon, and their selfish littleness and fine-spun
scheming formed a subject for his rough hearty muse
much oftener than they at all wished. Party-spirit did not
blind him as much as others either to falsehood or worth.
The firmest Jacobite in the three kingdoms, he could ridi-
cule the caballers of St. Germains, and eulogise the Duke
of Argyle, without affording the least ground of suspicion
of having turned his coat.

Struan was suddenly called from his nine years' quiet
retirement. Anne died ; the Elector of Hanover was pro-
claimed King of Great Britain ; Mar proclaimed the Cheva-
lier at Moulinearn — these events followed fast upon
each other. Struan was among the first to join the rebel
Earl. He had been previously summoned to attend at

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 127

Edinburgh, under the pain of fine and imprisonment, to
give bail for his allegiance to the existing Government —
From his hostility to the whole race of " wee lairdies," and
to their chief in special, he was known at this time among
his Jacobite friends by the nick-name of " Elector."

Mar thought it of much importance to gain the hearty
co-operation of the " Elector of Struan." He was anxious
to humour him himself, and endeavoured to make others
do so also. At the beginning of the rebellion, Perth was
seized by the Jacobites of Fife. Colonel Hay, brother to
the Earl of Kinnoull, was appointed governor of the cap-
tured city, with very despotic instructions indeed. Alex-
ander of Struan, with his Robertsons, reinforced Hay by
order of Mar. In his letter to Hay, Mar thus introduces
Struan : — " You must take care to please the Elector of
Struan, as they call him. He is an old colonel ; but, as he
says himself, understands not much of the trade. So he'll
be ready to be advised by Colonel Balfour and Urquhart.
As for money, I am not so rife of it as I hope to be soon ;
but I have sent off the little I have, fifty guineas, by the
bearer." Struan's enthusiasm was of that infectious kind
which spread from man to man. His zeal shamed the
sluggish and inflamed the lukewarm. One of the ways by
which he dragged half-unwilling recruits to the standard
of the Chevalier may be seen from the following lines : —

STRUAN TO HIS BROTHER, DUNCAN VOIR, OVER A BOTTLE.

" To retrieve your good name

And establish your fame
Dear Goth* let your fiddling alone :
Tis better to go

* Struan calls his brother by this nickname very often.

128 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

And fight with the foe
That keeps royal James from his own."

DUNCAN VOIR'S ANSWER.

" The fatigues of the field

Small pleasures can yield
But the silly repute of a Hector ;

Then at Carie we'll stay,

And drink every day,
With the dear little prig, the Elector."

Such humorous bantering was with Struan a common
weapon. Duncan Voir did go out to seek the " silly repute
of a Hector," but got a long imprisonment instead. An-
other brother was among the slaughtered at Preston.

At the Battle of Sheriffmuir, Struan, along with Lord
Strathallan, commanded the centre of Mar's second line.
The honest laird distinguished himself more by his down-
right knight-errant bravery than by the talents proper for
a commander. When the English dragoons reeled before
the first furious onset of the clans, Struan, it is said, threw
himself before the lines, and, holding up his purse, shouted
to one of the retreating foe, " Turn, caitiff, turn ; fight with
me for money, if not for honour ! "

The firmness of the Government forces, and the ability
of their general, though the battle was undecisive enough
to allow both parties the claim of victory, made such an
impression upon the insurgents, that many began to despair
of the issue, and gradually deserted their colours. Struan's
sanguine nature, roused by actual conflict to the highest
pitch of enthusiasm, overlooked all obstacles and difficul-
ties in the way, and fixedly gazed on the expected result,
the installing of James at Whitehall. The song in which

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. I2Q

he expressed his feelings immediately after the Battle of
Sheriffmuir will show his sentiments better than anything
else :—

" Since loyalty is still the same
Whether it win or lose the game,
To flinch it were a burning shame
Since Mar has won a battle :
Let each brave true-hearted Scot
Improve the victory he has got,
Resolving all shall go to pot,

Or James the Eighth to settle.

Let those unmanly men who fear,
With downcast looks, and hanging ears,
Who think each shadow that appears

An enemy pursuing —
Let such faint-hearted souls be gone,
The dangers of the field to shun ;
We'll make Argyle once more to run,

And think on what he's doing.

Can poor Low-country water-rats,
Withstand our furious mountain-cats,
The dint of whose well-armed pats

So fatally confoundeth,
When many hundred warlike men
Were so well cut, and so well slain,
That they can scarce get up again

When the last trumpet soundeth ?

Come, here's to the victorious Mar,
Who bravely first conceived the war,
And to all those who went so far

To shake off Union's slavery —
Whose fighting for such noble cause
As king and liberty and laws,
Must from their foes even force applause,

In spite of their own knavery."

But the affairs of the insurgents were rapidly falling to

i

130 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

ruin. Few were animated with a spirit similar to Struan's.
The Chevalier arrived at Perth in January, and made a
shadowy attempt to assume the insignia and discharge the
functions of royalty. The presence of the Prince in the
rebel camp did more harm than good. His pale melan-
choly face showed no trace of sanguine hope ; and instead
of using the animating military eloquence of a Montrose
or Dundee, to rally and encourage his followers, the un-
happy Chevalier did so preserve that silent deportment
naturally belonging to him — but in present circumstances
so thoroughly out of place — as to provoke the Highlanders
to ask " if he could speak ? " On the approach of Argyle
the insurgent camp finally broke up ; and after a few
weeks' residence in the country, James embarked at
Dundee for France in the beginning of February, 1716,
and never returned. After his unmartial conduct on this
occasion, though cherishing their allegiance to him as a
religious sentiment, James never thoroughly gained the
love of the Highlanders for his person in the way his son
Charles Edward did. After Sheriffmuir, Struan does not
again mention his name, coupled as formerly with personal
commendation, but merely as the perpetuator and tempo-
rary representative of the " sacred blood of anointed kings."
The disappointment appears to have been universal ; and?
indeed, had it been otherwise, Charles' name would not have
so completely eclipsed that of his royal father in the re-
bellion of '45 and ever afterwards. The language of official
documents might be different; but few of the High-
landers thought at Culloden they were fighting for any
person or thing other than the Prince and Prince alone.
Before leaving the country, the Chevalier sent a letter

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 131

to the Duke of Argyle, " desiring him, if not as an obedient
subject, at least as a lover of his country," to appropriate
certain sums of money left behind by him, for the purpose
of repairing, as far as possible, the damages of war. The
Duke's merciful order, to " spare the poor blue bonnets "
at Sheriffcnuir, sank deep into the grateful hearts of the
rebels, and his manly talents and known integrity pointed
him out to all but to the Germanised London Government
as the fittest person for settling the troubles following the
rebellion. Struan's lines to the Duke on the same occasion
are creditable to both : —

" By gentle means mankind is formed to good,
Virtue's inculcated, and vice subdued :
The tender patriot's mildness oft prevails
When the tumultuous warrior's fury fails.
This Scotia saw, when, by your milder art,
You gained th' applause and love of every heart.
Th' unconquerable clans, when you engage,
Bold to perform, as in your counsel sage,
Submit their interests, and dismiss their rage.
Safe on your word, they fear no treacherous foe,
No breach of public faith, no Preston, no Glencoe."

Struan and the Laird of Glenlyon accompanied their
Prince to France. The estate was a second time forfeited.
Struan continued in exile until 1724 or thereabouts.
During his exile, war broke out between Great Britain and
Spain. Cardinal Alberoni formed a scheme for distracting
the efforts of England, by fitting out an expedition for
supporting the pretensions of James. The conducting ot
this expedition was entrusted to Ormond. The Regent
Orleans sided with King George. Attempts were made to
engage the famous Duke of Berwick, natural son of James

132 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

II., now a Marshal of France, in this expedition. In the
eyes of Struan, Berwick was clearly the man of the age ;
he introduces his name as often as he can, and always
associated with praise. With great respect, tempered with
a little disappointed bitterness, he expostulates with the
Duke about the Ormond expedition, and counsels him
directly to desert France and fly to Spain. It would ap-
pear that Struan obtained, for the second time, pardon
from Government, through the intercession of the Dukes
of Argyle and Albemarle. In 1723, the estate was granted
to Struan 's sister, which grant she, according, as it would
seem, to a previous arrangement, transferred to trustees
for her brother in liferent, and in reversion to the next
heir-male of the family.

XIV.

r I ^HE failure of the efforts to replace the Stuarts on the
A throne of Britain was so signal as to make it evident
to Struan's strong common-sense, that the struggle in present
circumstances, and probably for the future too, was nearly
hopeless. He appeared so far reconciled to the Brunswick
dynasty as to be willing to lead a peaceable life under the
shadow of the legal Government, keeping his allegiance to
the Stuarts like the private worship of the household gods.
Marshal Wade was a fast friend of Struan ; but being
invited to a ball given by the Marshal at Weem, Struan,
according to Highland custom, having insisted on paying
a part of the " lawing," so affronted the Englishman that
he for a time lost his favour, and was also, what he liked
better, in danger of being " called out." Struan, without
a plack in his purse, v/ould, like Caleb Balderston, have
considered it a degradation not in all things to keep up the
honour of the house, and show everybody he was chief of
Clan-Donnachie — a potentate, in his opinion, differing from
the Grand Monarque only in degree. His long residence
in France had habituated Struan to the strict feudalism of
that country, and the natural result was to make him,
speculatively, the imitator of the petty, arrogant, despotic
French seigneur ; while his warm heart and clannish pride
counteracted the evil, and made him, practically, the

134 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLY'ON

kindest and most affectionate of chiefs. He evidently con-
sidered himself a higher sort of individual than his followers
— in fact, a being made of different clay. From him we
never hear of the Robertsons and their deeds, but of the
Chief of the Robertsons and his deeds, and this not so much
from personal vanity — of which, however, he had a full
allowance — but for the " credit of the house/* he himself
being the house for the time. The king accountable to
God, the noble accountable to God and the king (perhaps,
in fact, the latter should be first), the noble's vassal account-
able to all the higher powers — and so on ; the chains of
authority duly increasing and tightening, to keep that beast,
the multitude, properly tied down : such was, legitimately,
the plan of government anxiously desired by the Stuarts,
acted upon by Louis le Grand, and worshipped by Struan.
Were the perfection of the Supreme to be found in the
delegates, no objection could be made to it ; and though,
wanting that, it was perfectly absurd, yet it produced some
good fruits ; for the higher classes, affecting a character
superior to their fellows, ended partly in really attaining it ;
and Montesquieu not inaptly reckons " Honour " the ruling
principle of a government built on that idea. The grotesque
contrast between Struan's acquired feudalism and the
natural family affectionateness of the Highland chief to
his followers comes out so strongly in his " Epitaph on his
Servant," that it would have been capital burlesque had it
not been nearly blasphemous : —

" Poor honest Dunky sleeps beneath this stone
'Till Heaven awakes him to the Judgment Throne ;
From whence he needs not fear a dire decree,
For want of faith to God his king — or me.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 135

Tho' poor, to mean and servile arts inclined,

No gain could taint his probity of mind.

No prince, no priest, a cleanlier heart could show —

With this great odds, that what he said was true.

For such a loss, the Eternal, unsevere
To human frailty, well permits a tear."

His " Epitaph on Himself " displays the same arrogant
claims of superiority, and the unstinted laudation of self
so natural in the " Lord of the Barony of Struan " and
"The Chief of Clan-Donnachie " — a being above others by
charter royal, a being whose pre-eminence of blood was
recognised by 800 devoted subjects — a being, too, who was
fully aware of the double honour of being head of the house
and lord of the barony. Here is a part of the " Epitaph " : —

" Tenacious of his faith to aid the cause
Of Heaven's Anointed and his country's laws,
Thrice he engaged, and thrice, with Stuart's race,
He failed ; but ne'er complied with foul disgrace.
Tho' some, despising Heaven's most sacred ties,
Perjured for interest, acquiesced to lies,
Clan-Donnoch's Chief maintained his reputation
And scorned to flourish in an usurpation.
Lo ! here his mortal part reposing lies,
Hoping once more the living man shall rise,
When the same pow'r breathes in the part that never dies.
*****

There is nothing dignifies so much this dust,
As that, like God, he aimed at being just"

Struan was disposed sometimes to exert his rights of
lordship in a manner not generally practised at that time
in the Highlands. He would, for instance, threaten to
carry any reforms he meditated into effect without caring
much for the partialities of the clan, and indeed leave no

136 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

choice at all to the " vassal." His plans were, to his honour,
proposed for their good, not his. Extensive reading,
travelling, experience, and good sense, placed him a cen-
tury at least in advance of his age. He had talents and
desire for being a reformer, but lacked the sternness and
perseverance that would really make him such. A whine
of distress, a tale of woe, would make him at once abandon
his best laid scheme. To masterful spoilation — to thieving
in all its forms, the common vice of his age and country
— he always pronounced himself an uncompromising foe,
Still, by playing on his weakness, the depredators made him
a sort of chief and protector for them.

At the time of which we are speaking, twisted twigs, or
withes, were the universal subtitutes for ropes. Cowbands,
all the ties of horse-graith, &c., were generally made of
withes. Before the introduction of carts, creels or panniers
on the back of horses, tied with withes, were used instead ;
hence the Gaelic adage — " Is mithich a bhi cuir na'n gad
am bogadh " — which is equivalent to, " It is time to pack
up bag and baggage." Great quantities of the birchen
twigs suitable for withes were yearly cut above Carie, on
the property of Struan. The Laird wished to keep them
for the use of his own tenants ; but people from a distance
often cut and took them. One man, who made quite a
trade ot pillaging the copse, and selling the withes in the
neighbouring districts, was at last caught in the act, and
brought before Struan. The Laird stormed and threatened ;
" he would have thieves punished ; he would make him
repent the day he entered his woods." But after all, the
honest Laid found it easier to scold than to dispose of the
depredator. " What are we to do with him ? " says Struan

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 137

at last. " Do with him, Sir," answers the servant ; " take
his horse from him. He is too poor ever to get another one ;
and I'll be bound he'll never come to your woods again."
" Take his horse from him, ye born scoundrel," responds
the Laird, turning fiercely upon the servant ; " the horse is
his sole means of living, and he is a careful, diligent rascal,
though a knave. No ; let him have his horse, and my per-
mission to cut withes when he likes. I wish to encourage
industry if it be honest? Struan might have spared his
indignation, for he arrived precisely at the conclusion the
servant wished, though it was by pretending the very
reverse he got him to it.

Like most of the Jacobites, Struan hated the Union, and
counted the Scottish nobles who aided in bringing it about
little better than renegades. Though rather long, and not
very poetical, I would wish to quote his estimate of the
different Scottish statesmen who conducted affairs under
George I. and during the early part of his son's reign : —

ADVICE TO A PAINTER.

" Limner, would you expose Albania's fate,
Draw then a palace in a ruined state.
Nettles and briers instead of fragrant flowers,
Sleet, hail, and snow, instead of gentle showers :
Instead of plenty, all things meagre look,
And into swords turn plough-crow, scythe, and hook —
Instead of guards, you ravenous wolves must place,
And all the signs of government deface ;
Instead of order, justice, and good laws,
Let all appear confused as the first Chaos.
Near to this palace, make on every hand
The ruins of two noble fabrics stand —
A Church where none but priests of Baal do stay ;

138 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

A Court of Justice filled with birds of prey.
With a bold pencil draw the great Argyle —
In some respects the glory of our Isle-
Draw his intrepid heart and generous mind,
Where nought that's base did ever harbour find ;
But near him place his bi other, and display
With what base arts he leads his friends astray.
Give him an air that's sullen and morose,
Still looking downward ; his dark mind expose.
Let Roxburgh next upon the canvas stand,
Supported by the vilest, sordid band
That ever did invest this wretched land,
In proper colour paint his vicious mind,
Which rules of honour never yet could bind ;
Where truth and justice, banished far away,
Revenge and falsehood bear a sovereign sway.
Limmer, proceed ; conspicuously expose
The chicken-hearted, narrow soul, Montrose.
Show how he doth debase his noble line,
Which heretofore illustriously did shine :
Show how he makes himself a tool of State,
A slave to avarice, to his friends ingrate.
Tweedale demands a place upon the stage —
Composed and learned, though scarce attained to age.
Time must determine how he will employ
The talents which he largely doth enjoy.
As from the morn the day is often guessed,
He'll prove, I fear, a hawk, like to the nest.
Queensberry next a station here should claim —
O, how I tremble when I write his name !
Will he, for what his father did, atone,
Or will he in the same course still go on ?
To Stair allow, as he deserves, some space,
And round about him the Dalrymple race.
Describe how they their sovereign did betray,
And sell their nation's liberty away.
Let Haddington appear, as is his due,
Among a rakish unbelieving crew ;
And near him place no man that has desire

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 139

T' escape the danger of eternal fire.

Place Sutherland, Orkney, Lauderdale, Morton,

Rothes, Ross, Buchan, Balhaven, Bute, Hopton,

All close together as a pack of fools,

And near to them another class of tools ;

When Douglas, Hyndford, Selkirk, bore some sway,

And Lothian won't to Forrester give way.

But now reserve some place for Athole's Grace,

In every one of these two ranks him place ;

Do not forget his visage to describe,

And fill his breast with avarice and pride.

Near to him let his Grace of Gordon stand —

For these two drakes may well go hand in hand —

And if you mount him on his Tuscan steed,

Leave him full room to gallop off with speed.

Finlater surely will pretend some space,

For he ne'er wants pretensions to a place ;

For this, a footman court, his friends betray,

Engage at night, and break his course ere day ;

Profound respect for every party pay ;

A place for him apart, assign you must,

For who'd be near to him, whom none would trust ?

If these will but reflect on what is past,

Give any one a stone that first will cast.

With these you may a canvas large supply,

And then to match them all the world defy."

Struan must have been close upon eighty when Charles
landed. He was too old and feeble to take the field in
person, but did all he could for forwarding the cause. He
had an interview with the Prince when the latter was in
Athole, and came away rilled with enthusiasm for the
" Young Chevalier." He blamed him, however, for his
choice of commanders, and sorrowfully predicted the sad
issue of the undertaking. Since their chief could not lead
them, and from other reasons too, over which poor Struan
had no control, the Robertsons did not fight under Charles

140 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

as a separate clan, though great numbers of them were
present under the banners of neighbouring chiefs.

After Culloden, the wrath of the victors did not allow
Struan to go off unpunished. His lands were ravaged, his
house burned to the ground, and the feeble old Jacobite
had to skulk in secret dens and woods, an outlaw for the
third time. The women of Camghouran, it is said, saved
him once met armis from being caught. They seized upon
the officers of justice, and ducked them so well in the mill-
dam that they were glad to escape with life. When under
hiding, he was at times in need of the barest necessaries of
life. His shepherd appears, from the following, to have
been his chief purveyor : —

A ROUNDEL ON STRUAN'S SHEPHERD.

" Our shepherd is our guardian angel ;

When we would jouk our foes
He plots to put us out of danger ;
Our shepherd is our guardian angel,
And makes us feed at rack and manger,

In spite of George's nose.
Our shepherd is our guardian angel
When we would jouk our foes."

In his troubles and infirmities he kept up the same stout
heart, and his jovial muse was not a whit less hopeful and
caustic than when, nearly sixty years before, he drew his
maiden sword under Dundee. Like the rest of his country-
men, Struan appears to have taken up the strong unfounded
prejudice against Lord George Murray. Let us hear the
hoary outlaw's song in the woods of Rannoch : —

A BALLAD.

" A hoary swain inured to care
Has toiled these sixty years,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON, 141

Yet ne'er was haunted with despair,

Nor subject much to tears :
Whatever fortune pleased to send
He always hoped a joyful end,

With a fa la la la la la.

He sees a champion of renown

Loud in the blast of fame,
For safety, scouring up and down,

Uncertain of his aim :
For all his speed a ball from gun
Could faster fly than he could run,
With a fa la, &c.

Another labouring to be great

By some is counted brave ;
His will admits of no debate,

Pronounced with look so grave :
Yet 'tis believed he is found out
Not quite so trusty as he's stout.
With a fa la, &c.

An action well contrived of late

Illustrates this my tale,
Where two brave heroes tried their fate

In fortune's fickle scale :
Where 'tis surmised they wisely fought,
In concert with each other's thought.
With a fa la, &c.

But first they knew that mountaineers

(As apt to fight as eat)
Who once could climb the hills like deers,

Now fainted without meat,
While English hearts their hunger stanch,
Grew valiant as they crammed their paunch.
With a fa la, &c.

Thus fortified with beef and sleep

They waddling sought their foes,
Who scarce awake their eyes could keep.

Far less distribute blows.

142 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

To whom we owe the fruits of this
Inspect who will, 'tis not amiss.
With a fa la, &c.

Tho' we be sorely now oppressed,

By numbers driven from home,
Yet fortune's wheel may turn at last,

And justice back may come.
In Providence we'll put our trust,
Which ne'er abandons quite the just.
With a fa la, &c.

Even let them plunder, kill, and burn,

And on our vitals prey,
We'll hope for Charles' safe return,

As justly so we may :
The laws of God and man declare
The son should be the father's heir.
With a fa la, &c.

Let wretches, flustered with revenge,

Dream they can conquer hearts,
The steady mind will never change,

Spite of their cruel arts ;
We still have woods and rocks and men,
What they pull down to raise again.
With a fa la, &c.

And now let's fill the healing cup

Enjoined in sacred song,
To keep the sinking spirits up

And make the feeble strong.
How can the sprightly flame decline
That always is upheld by wine.
With a fa la, &c."

When vengeance was glutted with the hecatombs offered
on her altars, the search after Struan slackened, and he
appears to have obtained a protection, for he was per-
mitted to build a small hut on the blackened ruins of his
former home, and there he died in 1749. Requiescat in pace.

XV.
"OFF THE M'GREGOURIS ARMES."

" The sworde and fir-tree croceit beneath ane croun

Are fatall signes appropriat to this race,
By some foreseing fellow well set doun,

Meet for such lymmars spoilzeing everie place.
The croun presents the King's most royall Grace,

Ane rychteous judge with skill wha does decree
That they, and all such cut-throats, should embrace

His severe censure for their villanie :
To wit, gif ony frae his sworde goes free

On-execute, continuing in the wrang,
He will erect ane gallows of that trie,

And theirupon them in ane wuddie hang.
Sae far's my wits can serve, I can nocht ken

Ane better badge for such a sort of men.

Postscriptum.

One thing yet rests that should their arms befit,
[J with Sanct Johnston's ribbons they were knit"

Black Book of Tay mouth.

THE above is the sarcastic description given by Master
William Bowie of the heraldic symbols of the ancient
Clan Gregor — " their signal for fight, which from monarchs
they drew." The legend reads very differently in the hands
of a M'Gregor : —

" Sliochd nan righrean duchasach
Bha shios an Dun-Staibhnis,
Aig an robh crunn na-h' Alb o thus
'S aig a bheil c!uchas fathasd air."

144 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

The M'Gregors, as is well known, claim descent from the
Dunstaffnage kings, that is from Gregor, a descendant of Ken-
neth M'Alpin. During the whole period of the Scots-Celtic
kings, they would appear, according to their own traditions,
to have held extensive possessions in Argyleshire and
Perthshire. Glenorchy was the seat of the chief for ages.
"John de Glenurchay," the then chief, was taken'prisoner by
Edwaid I. in the battle of Dunbar, 1296, but his posses-
sions were restored to him on condition of serving Edward
in his French wars. " In the public instruments," says Mr.
Gregory, " connected with the fate of the Scottish leaders
captured at Dunbar, John de Glenurchay is ranked as one
of the Magnates Scotia — a proof that his possessions hold-
ing of the crown were far from inconsiderable." The last
of the M'Gregors of Glenorchy, original chiefs of the
clan, died in 1390. In the Dean of Lismore's Obituary,
written before 1550, the following entry of his death ap-
pears : — " Obitus Johannis Gregorii de Glenvrquhay, apud
Glenvrquhay : Et sepultus in Dysart esc parte borientali
Altaris Summi xix Aprilis, Anno Domini Mmocccolxxxx."
" Death of John M'Gregor of Glenurchay at Glenurchay :
and he was buried at Clachan-an-Disart, on the north side
of the High Altar, the iQth April, 1390." But record
evidence contradicting Mr. Gregory, and the clan traditions
shows that John of Glenorchy was of the race of Somerled
and that the M'Gregors were never feudal owners of that
glen.

Glenlyon, the Braes of Rannoch, and considerable parts of
Breadalbane, or as then styled the " Lordship of Discheour
and Toyer," were largely held at one time by M'Gregors,
but only as kindly tenants. It sounds, however, like an

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 145

abuse of words to call persons " kindly tenants " who appear
to have squatted on these lands, and perhaps violently dis-
possessed others without asking the concurrence or wishing
to know the will of the Crown. Length of sufferance had
given security, and the frequent change of over-lords and
bailies as well as revocation of Crown lands at the end of
each minority, or on the occasion of civil commotions, bred
an undue contempt for royal charters, and an overweening
trust in coir-a-chlaidheamh, " right of the sword ; " and thus
the M'Gregors allowed the time to escape when the pre-
cious " paper rights " might have been easily obtained, and
subjected themselves in time coming to over-lords, who sat
too secure in the saddle for being pulled down by any op-
position offered by a broken and landless race, and who
were determined and knew how to enforce their charter
privileges to the last iota.

We gather from the Black Book that the "right chiefs " be-
came extinct before 1500. For a long period the head men
of the different branches of the clan contended, as it would
appear, for pre-eminence. It was only after the excesses of
private men of the clan brought disgrace upon the whole
name, and the formidable combinations of the Campbells,
Stewarts, Menzieses, &c., under colour of punishing the
perpetrators of these excesses, warned the M'Gregors that
they were all on the brink of ruin, that " John Dubh " of
Glenstrae was reluctantly acknowledged chief. The house
of Roro appears to have claimed the honour on account of
priority of descent, while the house of Glenstrae advanced
the plea of proximity of blood. The Dean of Lismore and
the curate of Fortingall agree in their notice of John of

Glenstrae's death. It is to be borne in mind that the dean

K

146 THE LAIRDS OF HLEXLYON.

and curate were both of the M'Gregors of Roro, and would, it
is to be presumed, favour the pretensions of that house.
His death is thus entered : — " Death of John M'Gregor
M'Ewine, Captain of the Gregorian tribe of Glenstrae > who
died of good memory at Achallader, in Glenurchay, on
Easter day, the I2th of April, in the year 1528. He was
buried in Dysart, as others of his name used to be." From
this it is evident the laird of Glenstrae was acknowledged
but by a section of the clan ; and neither he nor any of his
predecessors appears to have held land of the Crown, or of
feudal superiors by charters. But they must have been
Thanes or Toisich in Glenurchay before the time of feudal
charters. It is in the time of disputes about the chief-
tainship, the McGregors of Roro are first found associated
with John of Lome, and as tenants of the Crown possessing
the Roro Toiseachd.

As genealogical descent stands for the Highland clans in
place of more accurate chronology, it is right perhaps that
the genealogy of the chiefs of Glenstrae, or, as they were
generally called, the Lairds of McGregor, should be given in
this place, for otherwise any notice in the sequel would not
be easily understood. It is copied from the Black Book of
Taymouth, page 64 : —

"Johne Makewin M'Allaster M'Gregour, in anno (1516?) — ravischit
Helene Campbell, dochter to Sir Colene Campbell of Glenurquhay,
knicht. This Helene wes widow and Lady of Lochbuy, and she was
ravischit. The foirsaid Johne wes not righteous air to the M'Gregour,
but wes prindpall of the Clan-Doulcheir.

" This Johne M'Ewin begat upon the foirsaid Helene, Allaster
M'Gregor of Glenstray, wha marriet ane dochter of the Laird of Ard-
kinglass, being widow to M'Nachtane of Dundaraw.

"This Allaster of Glenstray begat upon the said dochter of the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 147

Laird of Ardkinglass John M'Gregor of Glenstray, and Gregour Roy
his brother. The said Johne diet of the hurt of ane arrow going be-
tvvix Glenlyon and Rannoch.

"Gregour Roy, his brother, succeeded him. The said Gregour
Roy mariet the Laird of Glenlyon's (Duncan Campbell's) dochter, and
begat upon hir Allaster Roy M'Gregour, and Johne Dow M'Gregour
his brother. This foirsaid Gregour Roy M 'Gregour wes execute be
Colene Campbell of Glenurquhay (/th April, 1570).

"Allaster Roy M 'Gregour succeidit to the foirsaid Gregour his
father, and had no children bot ane dochter. This Allaster Roy
M'Gregour wes execute and hangit at the mercat croce of Edinburgh,
and forfaultit, in anno 1604.

"Johne Dow M'Gregour, brother to the said Allaster M'Gregour,
mariet ane dochter of the Laird of Strowan Murrayis, and begat upon
hir Gregour, Patrik, and Ewin M'Gregouris. This Johne Dow
M' Gregour wes slaine in Glenfrune be the Laird of Luss anno 1602.

".Gregour M'Gregour, sone to the foirsaid Johne Dow M' Gregour,
that wes slaine in Glenfrune, succeidit air to Allaster Roy M 'Gregour
his uncle. This Gregour, with consent of Patrik and Ewin M'Gregouris
his brother, disponit to Sir Duncan Campbell, sevint Laird of Glenur-
quhay, the landis of Stronmelochan and Glenstray, for the soume of
ten thousandis pundis money, 1624."

So much for the M'Gregors of Glenstrae ; but it may be
noticed in passing, that the Dean of Lismore tells us the
above-mentioned John Makewin was the eleventh person
in descent from " Kenneth, High King of Albin," and that
" Duncan Doyroclych M'Dowle Vc. Oyne Reywich, had
written out this from the books of the Shenheych of the
kings, which had been made before the year 1512." What
does he mean by the Senachie of the Kings ? Duncan
" the servitor " was the brother of the Dean of Lismore.

The family of M'Gregors of Roro held that Toiseachd,
it is traditionally said, for seven generations. They were,
to begin with, in some way so closely connected with John
of Lome, a M'Dougall, that they subsequently got their

148 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

traditions mixed up, and supposed Black John to be a Clan
Gregor chief.

It appears the M'Gregors of Roro formed a distinct
family many generations prior to the beginning of the six-
teenth century. Before it was even granted out by feudal
charter, they held, as " kindly tenants," that part of Glenlyon
which had been afterwards included in the barony of Men-
zies, and over which, from 1502 to about 1680, the Lairds of
Weem were the over-lords. After having colonised Ran-
noch under favour of the Stewarts' of Garth, the Roro
chieftains severed that connection, and were friendly enough
with Sir Robert Menzies and Sir Duncan Campbell, in
whose favour James IV. erected the threescore markland
possessed once by John of Lome into a separate Barony,
called the Barony of Glenlyon. The M'Gregors of Ran-
noch, Morinch, Fernan, and Fortingall, owed allegiance to
the Cean-tighe of Roro, either directly as being descendants,
or collaterally as sprung from the Feinne of Iain-dub k-nan-
lann" of which band the M'Gregors of Roro, on usual
clannish principles, became the captains. The first
McGregor of Roro, of whom there is any authentic account,
is —

I. Gregor, who settled in Roro about the time of his
father's death, 1415, and was succeeded by his son.

II. Duncan Beg M'Gregor, known by the surname of
Donacha Lionach. According to the Dean of Lismores
Obituary, and the Chronicle of Fortingall^ he died at Roro,
1477. He had many sons, but here it is only necessary to
mention two — ist, Gregor his heir; 2nd, John, styled in
the Chronicle of Fortingall John " Duncanson," who died
at Bellycht (Taymouth), and was buried at Inchadin, loth

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 149

March, 1491 ; and his widow, Katrine Cardny, daughter of
the Laird of Foss, was buried in the church of Dull before
the step of the Great Altar, I4th August, 1493. Their
relative, Sir James M'Gregor, Vicar of Fortingall,
notary public, and Dean of Lismore, was the first col-
lector of Gaelic poetry that we know of. A volume of
poems collected by him has been for a long time in the
archives of the Highland Society. It has been inspected
from time to time for special purposes, and the result com-
municated ; and last year, if I mistake not, an interesting
lecture was delivered by Lord Neaves on the Osseanic con-
troversy, which was mostly founded, in the peculiar lines
of its argument, upon the report made by a Gaelic minister
of Edinburgh upon the matter contained in this work ; but
not one attempt has, it seems, yet been made to give the
volume in its entireness — without adding to or taking from,
and that is the only way in which a subject of the kind
can be justly dealt with — to the public of Scotland so long
tantalised about it* The Chronicle, written in Latin, and
occupying but a few leaves of the original volume, has
been printed, and contains matter of the highest interest
for local genealogists. It is to be noticed in passing, that
the principals of the M'Gregors of Leragan and Dunan in
Rannoch, and the M'Gregors of Morinch and Fernan in
Breadalbane, were severally descended from different sons
of Duncan Beg.

III. Gregor M'Gregor Duncan son died at Roro, April*
1515, and was buried at Killin. He was married to a
daughter of the Laird of Weem, and, as it would appear,

* This book, edited by Dr. Maclauchan, has long since been published.

150 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

held of his father-in-law, for during his time Roro had
been included in the Barony of Menzies. This Gregor had
several sons — ist, Duncan, his heir ; 2nd, James, ancestor of
the Gregories of Kinardie ; 3rd, John, surnamed Ian Mallich^
on account of his large eyebrows, ancestor of the M'Gregor-
Drummonds of Balhaldie. Mallet the poet was also a de-
scendant of Ian Mallich.

IV. Duncan M'Gregor, who succeeded his father, is
several times noticed in the Chronicle of Fortingall. He is
mentioned in the proclamation against several of the Clan
Gregor, loth January, 1 563. He was married to a daughter
of Rannald M'Couilglas of Keppoch. The proscriptions
fell with great severity upon Duncan and his family. He
died in captivity. One of his sons (Ewen) died of wounds
received in a skirmish with the persecutors of the clan, at
Croftgarrow, parish of Fortingall, i6th January, 1554, and
was buried in the choir of Branvo, Glenlyon, as the curate
of Fortingall observes, " cum maxima lamentatione virorum
et muliemm" that being, I suppose, the best Latin para-
phrase he could muster for Corronach. John Dhu More,
another son, and an eminent warrior of the clan, died in
the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, 28th July, 1612. A grandson,
Duncan in Fernan, and his cousin Allaster in Croftgarrow,
son of the Ewen above mentioned, and several others of
their kith and kin, were hanged with their chieftain, Gregor
of Roro, and Chief Allaster of Glenstrae, for having been
at the battle of Glenfruin, as well as for several enormities
committed against the lands and tenants of Sir Duncan
Campbell of Glenorchy, 28th July, 1612. "John Dhu,"
M'Allaster Breac, a grandson of Duncan, styled of Stonfer-
nan, occurs in the records along with his brother in 1589 and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 151

1602, and likewise by himself, in the bond given to the Earl
of Argyle in 1601, as a descendant of " Duncan Leonach."
He was killed by John Campbell, brother of Sir James Camp-
bell of Lawers, to whom a commission of fire and sword had
been granted against the McGregors by Argyle, the King's
Lieutenant. Campbell presented the head of " John Dhu "
to the Privy Council in 1611. At the time of his death,
M'Gregor had a feu of the lands of Stonfernan from
Strowan Robertson, and Campbell pursued Strowan before
the Council for a nineteen years' lease of his victim's feu,
in terms of an Act of Council promising such tack in favour
of the slayer of every outlaw M'Gregor who happened to
possess lands. Strowan was adjudged to pay Campbell a
compensation, and ordered to eject the widow and bairns
of M 'Gregor, with servants and tenants.

V. Gregor M'Gregor, eldest son of Duncan, occurs with
his nephew, " John Dhu," in a commission of fire and
sword, dated 4th February, 1589, against a number of the
Clan Gregor for the murder of Drummond of Drummond-
Ernoch, the unfortunate forester of Glenartney. Gregor
had a large family, most of whom sank under the venge-
ance of the persecutors. Gregor himself was " hangit and
quarterit" at Edinburgh in 1604, with the Chief "Alester
Roy M'Gregor of Glenstrae," and many other principals of
the clan. He was succeeded by his son.

VI. Duncan M'Gregor, alias Gordon of Roro, who, on
the 24th February, 1613, as the only means to protect him-
self from being utterly ruined under the guise of law and
order by the enemies of his name and race, granted a re-
nunciation of his lands of Roro in favour of Duncan Men-
zies of Conine. In 1633 ne made a second renunciation in

152 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

favour of Alexander Menzies, son of Duncan, and took a
wadset of the Mains of Roro in security for £1,000 Scots,
being balance due him of the price of the property. On
the 22nd May, 1630, " Duncan M'Gregor, alias Gordon,"
and John Dhu M'Gregor, alias Sinclair, his brother, signed
a bond and letter of slaine, whereby they became bound
for all the M'Gregors of their own house of Roro, to keep
the peace with Robert Buchanan of Leny, and his friends,
on condition the latter should pay 1,300 merks, as an as-
sithment for the slaughter of three of their friends, which
sum had been agreed upon by arbiters mutually chosen by
both parties. Duncan had married a daughter of Duncan
Campbell, Laird of Glenlyon, and was succeeded by his son.

VII. Alexander M'Gregor, who fell in the battle of In-
verlochy, fighting under Montrose, 2nd February, 1645, and
was succeeded by his brother.

VIII. Gregor M'Gregor of Roro, who followed Montrose
through all his campaigns. On the 2 5th April, 1673, he
obtained of Commissary John Campbell, of Glendaruel, his
maternal uncle, a renewal of the Mortgage Right of the
Mains of Roro, the purchase money being the same as in
the transaction of 1633.

IX. Gregor M'Gregor, alias "John Gordon" of Roro,
succeeded his father. He joined in the Rebellion of 1715,
wherethrough his estate was sadly burdened. He was suc-
ceeded by his son.

X. Duncan M'Gregor, alias Campbell, the last M'Gregor
of Roro. He followed Prince Charles in 1745, and in con-
sequence was so much impoverished as to be under the
necessity of acting as clerk to his uncle, Robertson of
Tullybelton, at Perth. The wadset on the Mains of Roro

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

153

was paid off by the Earl of Breadalbane, who obtained a
renunciation in his favour, ist April, 1760, signed by Dun-
can Campbell, alias M'Gregor, and others, at Perth, where
it is recorded. His two sons left for India, and were not
afterwards heard of. Dr. James M'Gregor of Fonab, who
is lineally descended from Duncan, uncle of the last
M'Gregor of Roro, in consequence of the failure of the
main stem, appears at present to be the representative of
this ancient branch of the Clan Gregor.

XVI.

DOWN to the reign of James IV. the M'Gregors, broken
as they lately were into contending sections, and
without a chief, had still been able to hold their own safely.
The Campbells of Glenorchy, from 1452 downwards, had
been gradually acquiring heritable and leasehold titles to
large tracts in the Breadalbane district ; but the royal and
Charter-house possessions there were yet extensive, and upon
these the M'Gregors held their settlements unquestioned,
The Campbells, upon the lands they actually acquired,
were not yet in a position to exercise coercive measures
with a high hand. In 1473, John Stewart of Fortingall,
and Neil his son, had a nineteen years' lease from James
III. of the royal lands and lordships of Apnadull, Glen-
quaich, Glenlyon, Strathbrawin, and Rannoch. They held
the important office of bailairy of the same lands for the
period of their lease. The house of Roro, and the off-shoot
branches in Rannoch, Fortingall, &c., flourished and robbed
under the sway of Neil — for his father died soon after the
lease was obtained. The M'Gregors amply repaid the
kindness, and exhibited for Neil a degree of fidelity which
was no less honourable than fatal for both parties. Neil,
at the head of his own men and the faithful M'Gregors,
fought fiercely for his unfortunate monarch, and relative,
James III,, through the last sad troubles of his melan-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 155

choly reign. After the death of the king, Neil appears to
have kept up for some time a predatory band, and to have set
the M'Gregors loose upon some of the neighbouring barons
who had espoused the side of the prince in the late war.
Whatever compunctions James IV. might have felt for the
death of his father, he did not always show friendly feelings
for those who had manfully espoused his side. Neil's lease
expired in 1492, and was not renewed. James IV. visited
Kinloch-Rannoch and the rest of the district, and saw fit, in
his royal wisdom, to confer the power which he had taken
from the hands of Neil upon the Lairds of Glenorchy and
Weem. In 1502, Glenorchy had a charter of the Barony
of Glenlyon. A similar charter, of the same date, was
granted to Sir Robert Menzies of Weem, of the north side
of Loch Rannoch, at that time and long afterwards the very
stronghold of the M'Gregors. Neil Stewart died at Garth,
3ist January, 1499, and was succeeded by his son, also
called Neil. This impetuous young man, maddened by the
slight put on his house, hurled immediately, with all the
relentless vigour of his forefather, the redoubtable " Wolf of
Badenoch," the fiery torrent of his Highland vengeance
upon Sir Robert Menzies. The M'Gregors of Rannoch,
and indeed of the whole house of Roro, were his willing
associates. The charter of the lands of Rannoch is dated
ist September, 1502 ; and in the same month, Niall Gointe
of Garth, and his wild followers surprised, pillaged and
burned Weem Castle, took Sir Robert Menzies prisoner,
and laid all his property waste. They took with them all
they could carry or drive, and what they could not take
with them they burned.

The Clan Gregor cannot be traced or identified by means

I $6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of existing records beyond 1400. But when first met with
they are a numerous and widely scattered tribe, devoted to
warlike pursuits and cattle lifting. Their whole attitude
towards law and authority is that of people who have
suffered wrong and who perpetually resent it. The sur-
name itself is not to be found in records before the be-
ginning of the fifteenth, or near the end of the fourteenth,
century. As already mentioned, Mr. Gregory's supposition
that the John of Glenorchy, who lived in 1296 was, in his
day, chief of the Gregorian tribe will not hold water, that
John of Glenorchy was clearly a Macdougall, and a feudal
baron, like his distant kinsman, the John of Lome, who
about 1370 introduced McGregors into Glenlyon, and pro-
bably got a M'Gregor vicar appointed to the Church of
Fortingall. Still there was evidently a strong connection
of some kind between those feudal barons and the Clan
Gregor. The latter, I believe, were the soldiers or Feinne
of the former, and as such possessed lands and privileges.
But what were they before the Crown Thanages were
granted out ? Toisich and kindly tenants of the Crown no
doubt. Feudalism at first did not oppress them much,
because for a time they held the same relation towards the
feudal baron which they had formerly held towards the
King. But that state of things could not last long, and
when the Clan Gregor realised the fact that feudalism
would gradually displace and extinguish them they began
war with authority and with society. Glenorchy was the
cradle of their race, and to Glenorchy they stuck with
wonderful tenacity for two centuries after John of Lome's
death. The oldest of the Clan Gregor song in the Dean of
Lismore's Gaelic collection must, as internal evidence

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 1 57

proves, have been composed about 1480. It claims for the
then head of the house of Glenstrae, descent from Toisich
or Thanes, and asserts an equality of rank between the old
captains of districts and feudal lords. We learn from these
old songs that, from 1400 to 1500, the Clan Gregor made
a great deal of peculiar history, although as yet their
separate clan history had scarcely commenced. We are
told that the dwellings and folds of the chieftains were full
of spoils and " lifted " cattle, but on looking below the
surface we can see that, as yet, the clan waged their wars
as hired soldiers under the banners of contending feudal
potentates. In the next century they carried on forays
and wars on their own hand and under their own banner.
The moan which the Monks of Scone put into one of their
charters, leaves little room to doubt that the M'Gregors
had squatted by force on the Charter-house lands in Bread-
albane long before the end of the fifteenth century, and
carried on systematic robberies. They would seem to have
been much earlier than that troublers of Strathearn. To
Glenlyon they were introduced as soldiers of John of Lome,
and the Stewarts of Garth planted seemingly a colony of
Glenlyon M'Gregors as their soldiers, on the north side of
Loch Rannoch, who being reinforced from Glenorchy and
entering into brotherhood with the lawless men of Lochaber
and Badenoch, gave the Government and country much
trouble for two hundred years afterwards. Rannoch, if we
can rely upon the silence of records, was as peaceful and
orderly as any place in Perthshire, until, in an evil hour,
the Stewarts of Garth placed M'Gregor Feinne in Dunan
and Slismin. They were not long there before they realised
the advantages of the position. They developed the

158 THE LATRDS OF GLENLYON.

" creach " system accordingly, and defied authority. But
the Fourth James was a strong ruler, and as soon as he saw
the nature and extent of the evil, he took prompt measures
to remedy it.

After a struggle, in which he exhibited the hereditary
obstinacy of his family to the utmost, Neil Stewart finally
succumbed, and about 1507 resigned his Barony of For-
tingall into the hands of the Earl of Huntly.

The feudal Baron was ruined ; not so the landless Clan
Gregor. Menzies, by giving his daughter in marriage to
M'Gregor of Roro, attached the latter to his interest — who
acknowledged Sir Robert as over-lord, and at the same
time deprived the Rannoch M'Gregors of their legitimate
head. For the next twenty years, the Rannoch McGregors
are designated "brokin men of the Clan Gregour." A
leader, however, appeared in the person of the redoubtable
Duncan Ladosach M'Gregor, related both to the houses of
Roro and Glenstrae. Before this hero came upon the stage,
Menzies attempted to obtain a real footing in his nominal
Barony of Rannoch, by putting in effect that plan — so often
tried for pacifying the rebellious districts of Scotland — of
colonising the unsettled lands with new inhabitants. Being
unable to effect his purpose unaided, he entered into a con-
tract with Huntly in 1505, wherein it was stipulated, "Sir
Robert's heir would marry Lady Jean Gordon, daughter of
the Earl ; the lands of Rannoch would be let to Huntly
for five years, during which time the latter bound himself
to stock them with the best and most obedient tenants that
could be found."

Huntly 's efforts proved unavailing ; for in 1523, on being
charged by the Countess of Athole to expel the M'Gregor

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLVON. 159

chief from Rannoch, Sir Robert stated to the Lords of
Council he could not do it, " seeing that the said M'Gregour
on force enterit the said Robertis landis of Rannoche, and
withaldis the samyn fra him maisterfullie, and is of far
greater powar than the said Robert, and will nocht be put
out be him of the saidis landis." His successors downwards
obtained from the governments of the day exemption from
answering for the peace of their lands of Rannoch, as the
McGregors continued to act the part of masters therein.
This was the case down at least to 1684, in which year " Sir
Alexander Menzies of Weyme " obtained an exemption of
the kind, and in fact their feudal investiture little availed
the Lairds of Weem until the untameable race were broken
to the yoke, along with the other rebellious septs, by the
Dutch and Hanoverian garrisons established throughout
the country after the Revolution of 1688.

When the battle of Flodden deprived Scotland of its
king and leading nobility, feuds and agressions, in all parts
of the country, broke out with unusual ferocity, and
threatened the unfortunate realm with evils more fatal than
those of the stricken field. The Laird of Struan, William
Robertson, was the most conspicuous of the Perthshire
chiefs who entered without check or remorse upon this
course. In the Rannoch M'Gregors he found willing coad-
jutors, who, joined to his own men, gave Struan a "follow-
ing" of upwards of 800 warlike and unscrupulous freebooters.
For three years the band held together ; and though we
have no detailed account of their exploits, the havoc com-
mitted must have been something unprecedented, to have
drawn Buchanan's attention from the intrigues of courtiers
and ecclesiastics, and to have justified the following strong

I6O THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

expressions of the learned historian : — " Ante ejus adventnm
(that is, Albany's arrival from France) cum nemo unus
aiictoritate praecipua polleret, passim caedes et rapinae fiebant :
et) dum potentiores privatas opes et factiones contrahunt,
vulgus inopum>desertumy omnigenere miseriarum affligebatur*
Inter prcedones illiustemporis^fuitMacrobertus Struanus, qui
per At ho Ham et vicina loca, octingentis plerumque latronibus,
ac interim pluribus comitatus omnia pro arbitrio populabatur?
Struan was caught at last by guile, when sojourning with
his uncle, John Crichton, and expiated his crimes at Tully-
met, /th April, 1516, which was the year after the Regent
Albany's arrival in Scotland.

In these, and several raids which followed, the chief
men of the clan appear studiously to have kept their
hands clean ; but the caution was unavailing, and they
soon found to their dismay, that the desperate deeds of
the " brokin men " brought the whole clan face to face
with destruction.

On the fall of Struan, Duncan Ladosach rallied round him
the M'Gregors of Rannoch, and all the other desperadoes
of the clan who wished to defy the law, or had done so
already. The name of this remarkable man became a by-
word ; but time had so much obliterated traditions regard-
ing him, that, beyond the name of horror with which the
mother stilled her child, little else was known about him in
my boyhood. The publication of the Black Book of Tay-
mouth has now, however, thrown floods of light upon the life
of the daring freebooter. Among the other interesting
documents included in that volume, we find, though not
published for the first time, "Duncan Laideus alias
Makgregouris Testament" It is a poem of considerable

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. l6l

length, treating, in the first person, of the life of our hero.
Duncan, of course, never wrote a line of it, nor is the author
known. It was written, evidently, by a foeman of the clan
Gregor, probably by a Campbell ; but it has great merit
notwithstanding, and, except that Duncan's good qualities,
if he had any, are passed over in silence, the principal
passages of his exciting life seem faithfully enough pre-
served. Like a real will, the poem is divided into two parts,
narrative and testamentary. Like most poems of that age,
the Testament opens with allegorical personifications of the
virtues and vices, and a relation of how the latter prevailed,
till finally

" Falsehood said, he made my house right strong,
And furnished weill with meikill wrangous geir,
And bad me neither God nor man to feir."

And then, under the influence of this precious household,
Duncan tells us how

" First in my youthead I began to deal
With small oppressions and tender lambis,

Syne with Lawtie I brak baith band and seill,
Cleikit couplit kiddis with their damis ;
After, fangit beafe with great hammis ;

Then could I nocht stand content with ane cow,

Without I got the best stirk of the bow."

Duncan continuing in his evil courses, and to theft
adding manslaughter, his misdeeds were related in the
Court of that " royal prince," King James IV., who gave
orders for his capture.

" The loud corrinoch then did me exile,

Through Lome, Argyle, Menteith and Braidalbane ;
But like ane fox with mony wrink and wyle,
L

1 62 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Frae the hunds eschapis oft onslane,
Sae did I then, syne schupe me to remain,
In Lochaber with gude Ewin Alesoun,
Where that we wan mony ane malesoun."

Being chased from Lochaber by Archibald, Earl of Argyle,
he returned to his old haunts, but the toils were every-
where set against him, and so he was made prisoner by Sir
Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy. Cast into " ane dungeoun
deep," and expecting merited doom, the Battle of Flodden,
in which Sir Duncan fell, gave him hopes of liberty, which
he soon realised by bribing his keepers : —

" Deliverit, then, of danger and of deid,

Lettin again unto my libertie,
By help of friends, keparis of that steid,

To whom I promissed ane pension yeirlie ;

But in gude faith my intent was trewlie
Never worde to keep of that promiss than
Nor yet sensyne made to nae uther man."

The meeting with his companions is so graphically described
that I give it without curtailment :

" Then be the way me haistilie their meetis
My companions swift as ony swallows ;

For great blythness sittis doun and greetis,
Sayand, ' Maister, welcome, be Alhallows.
May we be hangit heich upon ane gallows

Gif we be not blyther of you alane.

Nor that we had baith God and Sanct Phillan?.

' What tidings, sir,' quod I, ' frae the host ? '
Quod they, ( In gude faith we bide not for to lane ;
The King, with mony worthy man, is lost,
Baith Earl Archibald and Sir Duncan slain.'
* Off thae tidings,' quod I, * I am richt fain,
For had the King lived, or yet the Lord,
They had me worrit stark dead in ane cord.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 163

Now, gude fallows, hearken what I say to you,
This country think I for to rule my self;

Be true to me all, theirfor, I pray you,
And we among us ay shall pairt the pelf,
And ripe, in faith, mony poor widow's skelf ;

For she shall say that Duncan and his men

Have not her left the valoure of ane hen.'

Then answerit they, all with ane voice attanis,
' But gif we do, as thou bidst us, ay,

The devil tak us, saule, body, and banis,
Quick unto hell, withouten more delay.'
I hearing them thir wordis, gladlie say,

Sik courage could into my mind incress,

And soon began the commons to oppress.

Like ane wolf, greedy and insatiabill,
Devouring sheep with mony bludie box,

To the people I was als terribill,

Reiffand frae them mony ane cow and ox.
Were the grey mare in the fetter lox

At John Upalande's door knit fast eneuch,
Upon the morn he mist her to the pleuch."

The weak and troubled Regency of Albany allowed
Duncan full scope to " rule the land himself," and every-
thing went smooth with him in all his attempts as long as

" James mewed in Stirling's tower,
A stranger to respect and power."

But a storm arose when that vigorous monarch took the
reins in his own hands. In 1530, James raised an army of
ten thousand men, with which he swept the borders.
During this expedition, " Johnnie Armstrong " and thirty-
six of his men were hanged at Carlenrig. James, unwearied
in punishing malefactors, and in adding terror to the ad-
ministration of justice, established the Court of Session in

1 64 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

1532, visited the Isles in 1540, and altogether showed such
determination to put down oppression and disorder in all
parts of his dominions, as gave his kingdom a degree of peace
scarcely known before, and fairly earned for the chivalrous
monarch the endearing title of " King of all the Commons."
Duncan Ladosach found, to his cost, his hand was now in
the lion's mouth. In 1531, we find the following " Memo-
randum " made by the Curate of Fortingall : —

"Rannoch was hareyed the morne efter Sanct Tennenis day in
harist, be John Erlle of Awthoell, and be Clan-Donoquhy (Robertsons),
the yer of God ane M.vc.xxxi., and at the next Belten (May) after that,
the quhylk was xxxii. yer, the bra of Rannoch was hareyd be them
abown wryttyn, and Alexander Dow Albrych war heddy th at Kenloch-
trannoch : the quhylk Belten and yer I coun till the cwyr of Fortyr-
gill fyrst, and Alexander M'Gregor of Glenstra our scheyff (chief)
was bot ane barne of xvii. yer that tyme."

John, Earl of Athole, and the Robertsons, succeeded in
taking the castle in the Isle of Loch Rannoch, and in ex-
pelling thence the " brokin men of the Clan Gregour," of
whom Duncan Ladosach was by this time the acknowledged
leader. The Earl, however, complained next year that the
expenses of the expedition, and the charge of garrisoning
and keeping the castle, had not been paid him, as promised
by the King, and solemnly protested that any inconvenience
which might arise from the Council refusing or delaying to
receive the castle from him should not be laid to his charge.
This protest perhaps arose more from the Earl's fears of
Duncan recovering his prize before he had been able to
deliver it up to Government, and so fulfil the commission
with which he was charged, than from any doubt his ex-
penses should not be reimbursed. The same year, 1532,
Athole strengthened his hand against Duncan and his

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 165

" broken men " by a Bond of Mutual Help, between John
Stewart, Earl of Athole, on the one part, and Duncan
Campbell of Glenurchay, and William Murray of Tullibar-
dine,on the other, irv which the said parties bound themselves,
" to be gude friendis in pece and weir," the which Bond was
" ackit in the officials buikis of Dunkell, under the pams of
curssing and uther censuris of Haly Kirk." Next year, 1533,
James V. made a summer tour to Athole, and shortly after
Duncan was outlawed and put to the horn, and as a fugitive
from sharp justice was reduced to great misery. But when
the King died, he was again abroad at his old work.

The Curate of Fortingall has an entry, of which the
following is a translation :

"The House of Trochare in Strathbraan was burned by Alexander
McGregor of Glenstrae, 25th August, 1545 ; on which day Robert
Robertson of Strowan was captured by the same Alexander, and four
of the said Robert's servants slain. ' God the Just Judge, render
to every one according to his work' ''

From the last sentence the curate gives us to understand,
in his usual equivocal way, that Strowan, in his opinion at
least, received only what he deserved. By this time the
chief of the clan had been fairly drawn into Duncan's
schemes, the cause of the " broken men " had become the
cause of the clan, and thus the enormities originally com-
mitted by a few, led to the legal contamination of the
whole, and by degrees subjected the entire race to extir-
pating vengeance. The house of Glenorchy had shown
special severity to the landless tribe, and upon their heads
Duncan now resolved that a full measure of wrath should
fall. The Chief of Glenstrae died, and Duncan was chosen
tutor by the clan. This office enabled him fully to con-

1 66 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

summate his former attempts to lead the whole clan into
his own evil courses. There can be little doubt the murder
of Alexander Ower M'Gregor of Morinch, was committed
by Duncan, in revenge of the former having forsworn his
allegiance to the Tutor, and having become the vassal of
Campbell of Glenurchay. The M'Gregors of Roro would
appear, as we shall hereafter notice, to have in a manner
refused to bear Duncan's yoke, and as much as possible to
have kept clear of aiding him in his misdeeds. Alexander
Ower was a cadet of this unfriendly house. Should his
example be followed — and the Tutor's tyrannical measures
might make it contagious among the powerful sept to which
Ower belonged — then farewell to Duncan's power ; let the
M'Gregors learn to give the calp of " Ceann-Cinne " to any
other than the Laird of Glenstrae, and Duncan's authority,
and the superiority of his pupil would at once become a
dream ; the ligatures of clanship being cut, as a race the
M'Gregors would become extinct. Duncan saw the magni-
tude of the evil, and met it by a prompt and bloody remedy.
It brought Duncan to the block, but contributed not a little
to the preservation of the Clan Gregor. Allaster Ower
signed the Bond of Vassalage to Colin of Glenurchay upon
the loth July, 1550, and was slain by Duncan and his son
Gregor upon Sunday, the 22nd November, 1551. The
slaughter of Allaster made the Campbells' cup of wrath
against Duncan overflow. The Laird of Glenorchy
associated the neighbouring barons, and all who had
suffered from Duncan and his band, against the desperate
freebooter. The issue is related by the Curate of For-
tingall : —

"Slaughter and beheading of Duncan M'Gregor and his sons,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. l6/

namely, Gregor and Malcom Roy, by Colin Campbell of Glenurchay,
Duncan Roy of Glenlyon, and Alexander Menzies of Rannoch, and
their accomplices ; on which day John Gorm M'Duncan Vc Allexander
Kayr, was slain by Allexander Menzies, at . . . . i6th June, 1552."

The public documents concerning Duncan's doings are
reserved for another time. He it was undoubtedly that set
the mark of outlawry and destruction upon the clan first,
and therefore it is meet we should know as much as possible
about him.

XVII.

bond granted by Allaster Ower to the Laird of
JL Glenurchay, which Duncan Ladosach so fearfully
resented, is in terms as follows : —

" Bond of Alexander Vc Condoquhy?

Alexander MTatrick Vc Condoquhy is becumyn of his awn fre will
ane faythfull seruand to Collyne Campbell of Glenwrchquay and his
ayris for all the dais — of his lyftyme — incontrar all — personnis, the
authorite beand excepit alanerly, baytht till ryde and gang on horss
and on futt, in Hieland and Lawland, upon the said Collyns expenses
— And gif it happinnys ony differance — betwixt the said Collyne his
ayris and M'Gregour his cheyff — the said Alexander sail nocht stand
with ane of them, bot he sail be an evinly man for baytht the parties
— Attour the said Alexander hes maid — the said Collyne and his
ayris his — assingnais — to — his takys — of ony landis and specially of
the ten merkland of Wester Morinch, now occupyit be the said Alex-
ander and his subtennents. And also has nominat — the said Collyne
and his ayris — his executoris and intromettouris with all— his gudis —
mowbile and immowible that he happinis to hef the tyme of his decess
and that in cace he hef na barnis lewand at that tyme lauchtfully
gottyn — For the quhilk the said Collyne and his ayris sail — defend
the foirsaid Alexander in all — his just actionys — the authorite, my
Lord of Argyle and their actionis alanerly excepyt. Acta erant haec
apud insulam de Lochthay horam circiter secundam post merediem —
presentibus ibidem Alexandra Menzes de Rannocht, Joanne WEmeweyr
et magtstro Willelmo Ramsay notario publico testibus — 10 Julii 155°*

The public indictment of Duncan Ladasoch and his son,
is supplied by the learned editor in the preface to the Black
Book. Mr. Innes says :

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 169

On the 26th Nov. 1551, "The Queen's advocate set forth that :"
" Duncan Laudes and Gregour his sone recently, namely, upoun
Sounday the 22nd day of November instant, at sex houris at even,
under silence of nycht, be way of hamesukin cam to the hous o*
Alaster Owir alias M'Gregoure, servand to Colyne Campbell of Glen-
urquhay of the landis of Moreis, and be force tuke him furth of his
said hous, and be way of murthure straik him with whingearis and
crewellie slew him, and spulzeit and tuke fra him his purs, and in it
the soume of fourty poundis : and incontinent thireftir past to the
landis of Killing to the hous of ane pure man callit Johne M'Bayne
Pipare, and thair assegit the said hous and brak the durris thairof,
and be force tuke the said Johne furth of the samin, and straik his
heid fra his body and crewellie slew him, and gaif him divers uther
straikis with whingearis in his body."

Government having outlawed and put him to the horn,
exhausted in these legal formalities the powers of vindi-
cating its authority possessed by it per se ; and the more
difficult part of making the Highland robber suffer the
punishment of a rebel and outlaw was devolved upon the
powerful and willing enemy of the clan, Colin Campbell,
Laird of Glenorchy. In virtue of the bond of submission,
he was the feudal representative and avenger of the mur-
dered Alaster Ower ; for unfortunately for the administra-
tion of justice and equal protection of all subjects, what-
ever sounding expressions to the contrary might be found
in the statute-book, and in the dicta of jurists, the most
glaring crimes and misdemeanours were yet looked upon
as merely affecting private parties, and were treated and
settled accordingly ; as violations of law and equity, they
had scarcely been yet recognised to be crimes against the
common welfare of society, and to be prosecuted and
avenged as such. " Colene, Sext Laird of Glenurquhay,"
the " Cailean Liath" of Highland story, was, according to

170 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

the compiler of the Black Book, and he knew well, as he
wrote under the eye of Colin's son and successor, " Laird
induring the space of threttie-thre zeiris, in the quhilk
tyme he conquesit the few of the kingis landis and Charter-
hous landis in Braydalbane the tackis quhairoff his predi-
cessouris obtenit, as is above written." In addition to this
he had acquired the " superioritie of M'Nab his haill landis."
He was actual possessor of the greater part, and with the
exception of Struan's small Barony of Fernay or Fernan,
and a few other small bits of land, was Lord superior and
Bailie of the different Baronies and Lordships of Breadal-
bane. With the most ample feudal privileges, and though
his predecessors had land and manrent in the district for
nearly a century, he was still but a stranger in a strange
land, in which his footing was but precarious, and the
authority granted by the King far from being satisfactorily
acknowledged and obeyed. At that time the feudal char-
ter, until the title of the holder was recognised and con-
firmed by the so-called vassals, according to the old Celtic
custom — that is, by acknowledging or adopting him as
chief, and granting him the calp of chieftainship — was little
else than a piece of useless parchment. A landlord, in
order to have the use and mastery of his possessions, must
either conciliate or extirpate the inhabitants. The Laird
of Glenorquhy was not in a position to adopt the latter
alternative, and he therefore eagerly and skilfully seized
upon the former. Breadalbane was at the time inhabited
mostly by several old colonies or sections of distant clans,
who had come under the auspices of different lord-superiors
to occupy the places of those ancient inhabitants upon whom
confiscation and death had fallen on account of their ac-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 171

cession to the long-sustained and to Bruce almost fatal op-
position of M'Dougall of Lorn. The inhabitants of Breadal-
bane were thus made up from five or more separate sources,
and except the M'Nabs — a supposed branch of the clan
Gregor — none of the sections had a chieftain. This gave
the Laird of Glenurchy the precious opportunity of establish-
ing his judicial authority, and the band of manrent and calp
of Ceann-Cinne naturally followed, from men alive to feelings
of gratitude, for having been by the aid of the Bailie rescued
from oppressors and confirmed in their rights. Every act
of judicial authority added, what was both absolutely
necessary for the safe exercise of that authority and the
gradual vindication of feudal possession, a willing recruit
to the standard of the " justiciar." It may sound strange
to present landlords that, three hundred years ago, a pro-
prietor could exercise no privilege of property till mutual
kindness produced a bond of brotherhood between him
and his vassals, till a democratic election confirmed the
royal charter, and the calp of clanship superseded the
feudal enfeoffment. No suspicion appears then to have
crossed the Celtic mind that despicable parchment right to
the soil was sufficient to confer the personal pre-eminence
which, in the absence of hereditary chiefs, they, even they,
with their wild notions of unrestrained freedom, had, for
the sake of internal union, and for giving edge to defensive
or offensive policy, found it at all times requisite to support,
but which as uniformly they had insisted upon creating for
themselves, through means of a rude election, while other-
wise stubbornly refusing to receive the current coins of
dignity and authority, ready made to hand by the royal mint.
The sons of the Gael were no Macsycophants indoctrinated

172 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

in the sublime art of " booing;" feudalism, therefore, cun-
ningly enveloped her crest in Highland tartan, and invoked
obedience and love by the strict observance of clannish
customs ; nor was it until the middle of the eighteenth
century that she finally dropped the mantle, and Highlanders
bent before the hat of Gessler.

With such reasonable hopes of consolidating his rights
and doubling his manrent, by the extending acknowledg-
ment of his judicial character, it is not wonderful the Laird
of Glenorchy should see with rage, and meet with ani-
mosity, whatever threatened to stop him in that progress.
The M'Gregors sinned in this line beyond the hope of
forgiveness, The families of the clan on Glenorchy's lands
were taught to look for the redress of injuries, not to the
baron-superior and his court, but to the distant and
almost landless chief of the M'Gregors ; nay, did they
incline of their free will to choose the nearer and surer
protection, the fate of Allaster Ower was an awful warning
to all intending to betray Clan Alpin's pine. The murder-
ous " whingearis " stopped the progress of Glenorchy, who
resolved to quench the sudden terror in the heart blood of
the author. The murder was committed on the 22nd
November, 1551, and four months after, the nth March,
1551 (for the new year commenced in the latter end of
March), the following bond was signed — viz. :

" Be it kend till all men, us James Stewart, sone to Walter Stewart
of Ballindoran, Alexander Dormond, and Malcome Dormond, yonger,
to have gevin our band of manrent to Colline Campbell of Glenurqu-
hay and his airis ; Duncane Campbell, sone and apperand air to
Archibald Campbell of Glenlioun, and his airis ; for all the days of
our lyvetyme in all actionis. And in speciale that we sail depone
ourselffis at our haill power, wytht our kyn freyndis and part-takaris

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 173

to invade and persew to the deid Duncane Laudossch M'Gregour,
Gregour his sone, thair seruandis, part-takaris, and complices in all
bundis and contreis quhare ever thai sail happyn to mak resydens, be
reasoun that thai are our deidlie enemies and our Souerane Ladei's
rebellis, &c. &c. At the He of Lochtay, nth March, 1551."

This bond may have possibly been the cause of the
horrible slaughter of Drummond of Drummond-Ernoch in
after years.

While the old fox appeared beset on all hands, and
Glenorchy breathed nothing but death and revenge, lo !
unexpectedly, a change comes o'er the spirit of the dream : —

" Be it kend till all men— Me Colyne Campbell of Glenurquhay grants
me to have ressavit Duncane M( Gregour and Gregour his sone in my
menteinance — in all — thair — just — actions — in so far as I may of law,
and gude conscience. And atour to have forgevin— the saidis Dun-
cane and Gregour — thair servandis complices and part-takers, the zeill
of luf and gude conscience moving me to the samyn, all maner of ac-
tionis— and faltis that ony of them hes committit to me — providing
alwais that the saidis Duncane and Gregour — fulfil thair band and
manrent — maid to me and my airis in all pointis. Forquhilkis —
grantis me to have given — to the saidis Duncane and Gregour — thair
eschetis of all thair gudis movabill and unmovabill, quhilkis — I pur-
chist at my Lord Governouris handis, tha beand for the tyme our
Sourane Ladeis rebellis, and now ressavit to hir heines peace and my
favouris — In witnes herof I — hes subscriuit this my letter of mentein-
ance at the He of Lochtay the secund day of Maii the year of God M.
vc. fifty tua yeris befor thir witnes Alexander Menzies of Rannocht,
Patrick Campbell, David Toscheocht," &c.

As the names are not retained, I do not know whether
or not the following legend explains the sudden change on
the part of the Laird to mercy's side: — M'Gregor of Dunan,
in Rannoch, had committed great herships on the lands of
the Campbells in every direction, and particularly on those

174 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of Campbell of Glenorchy. The latter did all in his power
to take him dead or alive ; but M'Gregor, notwithstanding,
not only eluded his enemy, but continued to commit greater
depredations. At last Glenorchy offered terms of amity
and peace, and proposed a conference at the newly-built
Castle of Balloch (Taymouth) with a certain number of
friends on both sides, to settle disputes and ratify the re-
lations of friendship into which the parties were about to
enter. Glenorchy did all this deceitfully, thinking thus to
capture McGregor and his principal followers when off their
guard. M'Gregor, not suspecting the snare, set off for
Balloch at the time proposed, accompanied by the number
of men agreed upon. On the top of Drummond, the hill
overhanging the castle and meadows of Taymouth, they
encountered an old man, who, on bended knees, before a
huge grey stone, appeared to be repeating his orisons in a
state of great perturbation. Struck with a thing so un-
usual, M'Gregor, drawing near, discovered the old man was
repeating the prayers for the dead, with which ever and
anon the following sentence mixed — " To thee, grey stone,
I tell it, but when the black bull's head appears, McGregor's
sword can hardly save the owner's fated head. Deep the
dungeon — sharp the axe — and short the shrift." M'Gregor
saw at once the toils were set for him, and that the old man
had taken this round-about way of apprising him of the vile
conspiracy, for fear of the Laird, and in consequence of
being sworn to secrecy. He proceeded on his way, how-
ever. Glenorchy received him with the most cordial ap-
pearance of kindness. Dinner was laid for them in the
great hall of the castle, each Campbell having a M'Gregor
on his right hand — a circumstance giving the latter a very

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 175

decided advantage in the melee which followed. The intro-
duction of the black bull's head, and a simultaneous clatter
of armed men in an adjoining chamber, put the M'Gregors
into an attitude of defence. Snatching the dagger stuck in
the table before him, which a few moments previous he had
used in cutting his meat, M'Gregor held its point within an
inch of the heart of Glenorchy, while with the other
hand he compressed his throat. His men following
promptly the example of the leader, a scene ensued not
unlike that in which Quentin Durward was chief actor in
the hall of the Bishop of Liege, with this difference, how-
ever, that the McGregors carried off captive the Baron and
some of his principal retainers ; the armed vassals, at the
earnest request of the Baron himself, whose life the least
attempt on their part to rescue him would endanger, offer-
ing no resistance. M'Gregor crossed by the boat at Ken-
more, dragged his captives to the top of Drummond, and
there and then forced Glenorchy to subscribe an ample
pardon and remission for all past injuries, and a promise
of friendship for the future. The tradition does not inform
us whether the Laird kept to his promise or not ; and, in-
deed, from the omission of names it is otherwise an uncer-
tain guide; but it would harmonise well with the character
of Duncan Ladosach, not less renowned for cunning than
courage, to act the part of the M'Gregor of the story ; and
upon the whole, it is not improbable the remission already
given was extorted in some such way from Cailean Liath
of Glenurchay.

The foreseen result followed upon Duncan's death. It
removed the fear which deterred the separate chieftains
and leading men from submitting to fedual superiors, and

i;6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

thereby the ligature of clanship was broken for the time,
and the clan lost for some years the commanding attitude of
unbroken union, consequent upon implicit obedience to the
rule and behests of the natural chief or his representative.
The M'Gregor, almost yet a child, became, on the death of
the Tutor, a ward of the Campbells ; and on coming to
man's estate, he soon discovered the self-constituted
guardians had so well employed the opportunities afforded
in his years of nonage, that his authority over the clan had
been sadly undermined, and his personal consequence had
shrunk considerably. It may be worth while to notice some
of the leading McGregors who made their submission to Glen-
orchy within a month or two after Duncan's execution.

"At the Isle of Lochtay, 3d August, 1552.— William M'Olcallum, in
Rannocht, Malcum his sone, and Donald Roy M'Olcallum Glass,
bindis and obleissis thame, &c. to be afald servantis to Colyne Camp-
bell of Glenurquhay, and to his airis mail quhom thai haif elecht and
chosyn for thair cheyffis and masteris, renunceand M'Gregour thair
chief," &c. &c.

4th August, 1552. — Malcum M'Aynmallycht (son of ' John the cursed'
— probably called so on account of being excommunicated by the
Church), William and Malcum M'Neill VcEwin and Duncane thair
brother, renouncing M'Gregour thair chief, bind themselves to Colyne
Campbell of Glenurquhay giving him thair calps ; the said Colyne
being bound to defend them in thair possessions, or to give them
others within his own boundis."

2 ist August, 1522. — " Gregour M 'Gregour, son of the deceased Sir
James M'Gregour, Dean of Lesmoir," &c. &c.

9th September, 1552. — Donald Beg M'Acrom, Duncane and
Williame his brothers, dwelling in the bray of Weyme, bind them-
selves to Colyne Campbell, having overgiven the Laird of M' Gregour,"
&c. &c.

2ist December, 1552. — "Duncan M 'An drew in . . . Duncane
& Malcum his sons, renounce the Laird M'Gregour," &c. &c.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 177

M'Gregor of Roro's bond to the same effect appears to
have been lost ; but from the terms of a subsequent one,
granted in 1585 by the head of that house, there is every
proof that " Duncan Gour " (Gour or Gear signifies short)
had been as submissive as the rest. The Laird of Glenor-
chy did not confine his views to simply obtaining the
fealty and subjection of the M'Gregors residing on his own
lands and within the bounds of his proper jurisdiction ; on
the contrary, three of the preceding bonds were granted
by parties that in the eye of the law owed the duty of
vassals to the Lairds of Struan and Weem. When the
M'Gregors had a little time to recover from their conster-
nation the bonds were no longer granted, or, if granted,
were worded as the following, in far less unqualified terms :
— " Bond by Duncane M'Alyster VcEwyn in Drumcastell
(Rannoch) to Colyne Campbell of Glenorchy — his allegi-
ance to the Queens Grace and McGregor his chief being ex-
cepted — disponing to the said Colyne Campbell the best
four-footed beast that shall be in his possession in time of
his decease and latter end, and called his calp," &c. &c.

XVIII.

THE youthful Gregor, when he reached manhood in
1560, found the clan prostrate at the feet of
Glenorchy, who laid the cope-stone upon all other injuries
by refusing to enfeoff the young chief in his little patri-
mony of Stronmelochan and Glenstrae, the superiority
of which Glenorchy had bought from the house of Argyle
in 1554. Breaking the bonds by which not a few of them
were fettered, the clan instinctively rose to revenge the
culminating affront to their chief; and in the hour of
vengeance following years of oppression, perpetrated
enormities scarcely inferior to the cruelties practised by
American Indians upon vanquished foes.

The man they had to deal with was more than their
match. Colin of Glenorchy was not the coward to shrink
effeminately before the storm of savageness, by his firm,
far-seeing policy provoked. On both sides it was pro-
fessedly a war of extermination, and at first the M'Gregors
had the advantage, but soon the foe, as 'twere by magic
art, "summoned spirits from the vasty deep," and unex-
pected actors came upon the stage. In 1563 the ravages
of the M'Gregors having, apparently, extended over the
whole central and western Highlands and adjacent parts
of the Lowlands, induced the Secret Council to issue
against them a commission of fire and sword. The follow-
ing were the commissioners ; — The Earl of Moray in

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 179

Braemar, Badenoch, Lochaber, Strathnairn, and Strath-
dearn ; the Earl of Argyle in Argyle, Lorn, Lennox, and
Menteith; the Earl of Athole in Athole, Strathardle, Glen-
shee, and Dunkeld ; the Earl of Errol in Logiealmond ;
Lord Ogilvy in the Brae of Angus; Lord Ruthven in Strath-
braan ; Lord Drummond in Strathearn ; Colin Campbell
of Glenorchy in Breadalbane and Balquhidder ; and John
Grant of Freuchy in Strathspey, Strathavon, and Brae of
Strathbogie. Colin of Glenorchy, at the same time, was
armed with a separate and additional commission of fire
and sword against the harbourers of the Clan Gregor in
whatever part of the kingdom they were found — " a proof,"
as Mr. Gregory truly observes, " that the Secret Council
not only neglected to provide a place to which the Clan
Gregor might when ejected from their homes retire,
but absolutely attempted to exclude them from every
spot on which they might on retiring seek shelter
or even existence." The separate commission was
cancelled within two years on a remonstrance pre-
sented by the barons of Strathearn. The general com-
mission was likewise recalled, or superseded by a new
one issued in 1564 to only two of the former commis-
sioners, the Earls of Argyle and Athole ; these being
allowed to grant subordinate ones to their friends and
dependents.

Colin of Glenorchy, in putting down the clan, acted
freely upon the old proverb, " set a thief against a thief,"
or rather anticipated by fully two centuries the fundamental
maxim of homeopathy — " Similia similibus cttrantur"
To catch the thieves of Rannoch and Breadalbane he used
the thieves of Keppoch and Glencoe ; for curing the body

I SO THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

politic of the M'Gregor-fever, he skilfully prescribed a dose
of M'Donnell-bark.

We have already seen the Laird of Weem, immediately
upon a charter of the lands of Rannoch being signed in his
favour, constituting Huntly special constable to bring his
newly-acquired domain into a condition compatible with
the brooking of his rights as lord and master. Enough
has also been told of Duncan Ladosach and the " brokin
men " to show how ill Huntly had succeeded. Menzies,
unable to cope with the M'Gregors, granted again a tack
of the most rebellious part of the Barony to Campbell of
Glenorchy, who, if not so powerful as the "Cock of the
North," was at least a nearer auxiliary and a more deter-
mined foe to the clan. It was uphill work, but by-and-bye
Duncan Ladosach slept quietly in his bloody grave in the
kirkyard of Fortingall ; one M'Gregor submitted after
another, and all appeared to go on in Rannoch as else-
where, " merry as a marriage bell," when lo ! one morning
in 1560, the Laird of Glenorchy saw the clan like the
Phoenix rising from its funeral pyre, and the laborious
scheming of years " dissolving like the baseless fabric of a
vision." The perplexed baron seized upon the first help
which offered itself, and here is the curious result : —

" Contract between Glenurchay & Cappycht,'' (i.e., Keppoch). " At
Ballocht the xxv day of Aprile, M. vc. Ixiii yeris. It is agreit betwix
Colyne Campbell of Glenurquhay on that ane part, and Rannald
M'Rannald M'Couilglas off Cappycht on that uther part, in manner
following : The said Colyne havand of our Souerane Lady the gift of
escheit of the Clangregour now being our Souerane Ladies rebellis
of their tackis rowmis stedings guids and geir : and als havand of
the Lard of Weyme in lifrent, the twelf merkland of Rannocht, on
the west syde of the water of Erachtie- to haif set in assedation to

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. l8l

the said Rannald his airis maill and subtenentis of nay hiear degre
nor hymself the tuenty pound of Rannocht, auld extent, with their
pertinentis, with the Loch, lie &* fishingis of the samyn for all the
days that the said Colyne or his airis hes entres to the forsaidis
sandis, with cornis, crop, plennesinge upoun the saidis landis, except
the gudis and geir within Glenco, and my Lord of Ergitts bundis,
pertening to the said Colyne be escheit (? ? ?) : witht power to set the
saidis landis to subtenentis oflawer degre nor hymself, of ony surname
— (the Clangregour alanerlie except) — payand yeirlie for the forsaid
twelf merkland of Rannocht, tene poundis maill to the said Colyne
during his lyvrent ; and als for the landis on the est syde of Erachtie,
during the gift of the tackis of the said Colyne escheit malis and
deweteis usit and wont conforme to the payment that M'Gregour
suld haif maid to the Lard of Weyme." [Colin then binds himself
and heirs to do all in their power towards getting a renewal of tacks,
&c., in favour of Rannald.] " And the said Rannald sail labour and
manure the forsaidis landis of Rannocht, and mak his principal
residens thairupon, ay and quhill he may bring the samyn to quietnes
for the common weill of the cuntre ; and sail nocht suffer ony of the
Clangregour to haif entres and intromission of the forsaid landis and
als sail keip the forist and woddis, and the inhabitants sail serve the
said Colyne and airis. Atour the said Rannald and his airis forsaidis,
oblisses thame to persew at thair utmost power samony of the Clan-
gregour as ar now our Souerane Ladies rebellis, and apprehend and
bring thame to the said Colyne and his airis to be punesit according
to the lawis : And in cace thay may nocht be tane, to be slane accord-
ing to our Souerane Ladies commission gevin thairupon for stanching
of sik malefactouris," &c. A fortnight after, 6th May, 1563, was
signed a " Contract of protection and manrent, between Collyne
Campbell of Glenurquhay and John Oyg M'Ane Abrycht of Glencho j
the said Collyne being bound to defend the said John Oyg M'Ane
Abrycht in his possessions, and specially in his landis of Glencho :
and the said John Oyg M'Ane Abrycht being bound to serve the
said Collyne Campbell against all persons, excepting the authority
and my Lord of Argyle, providing, that if he will not instantly serve
against the Clangregour his contract shall be void."

Cameron, tutor of Glennevis, also offered help from the
same quarter. Argyle and the principal men of his house

1 82 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

signed a bond to Glenorchy, against the Clangregour, at
" Inneraray, 9th July, 1564, by which the west was sealed
up to the hapless race. In the south, the Clanlaurane of
Balquhidder — mortal enemies of the name of M'Gregor,
ever since, as Duncan Ladosach confesses in his " Testa-
ment" of them,

" In the passioun oulk into Balquhidder
Seven and twenty we slew into the place
Be fyre and sworde : thai gat na uther grace " —

had chosen Colin Campbell their chief by a bond dated
nth March, 1559, and now did yeomanly service in the
war with the old foe. A " Contract against the Clan-
gregour signed at Ballocht 6th May, 1569, be Johne Earl
of Arhole, James Menzies of that Ilk, William Stewart of
Grantullie, and their kin and friends," closed the circle on
the north and east, so that from his central position in the
Isle of Lochtay, Glenorchy watched the vibrations of the
network securing the victims as they were successively and
successfully enmeshed.

A fierce enemy of the clan employed at this time by
Glenorchy was James Mac an Stalkair or Robertson,
several stories of whose prowess are yet extant, and regard-
ing whom these curt notices occur in the Chronicles of
Fortingall : —

" Necatus fuit Patricius M'Ayn vc. Cowill vc. Ayn per Jacobum
M'Gestalcar dpud Ardewynnek, sepitmo die Decembris (1564), et
sepultus octauo die eiusdem apud Inchadin in tumulo patrueli"
" Patrick M'Ayn Vc. Cowill Vc. Ayn, slain by James M'Gestalcar at
Ardeonaig, on the 7th December (1564), and buried at Inchadin on
the 8th of the same month, in his uncle's grave."

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 183

There is no need of cumbering ourselves with the original
of the next entries, a version shall suffice : —

" Gregor, son of the Dean of Lismore, alias M'Gregor, and Robert
MacConil Vc. Gregor, were slain on the nth June, viz., on the day of
Pentecost, after midnight, and their house was burned by James
M'Gestalcar and his accomplices year of our Lord 1565 : they were
buried in the same grave in the choir of Inchadin. God is the just
judge, knowing what is hidden, and punishing according to His will,
even to the third and fourth generation."

Gregor was one of the revolted bond-granters : and there-
fore was early visited with a full vial of Glenorchy's wrath ;
the chief of Glenstrae, for the very opposite reason, had
every motive to protect, and when that was impossible, to
revenge him. Accordingly the next entry in the curate's
book is the following : —

"James M'Gestalcar Vc. Phatrik and his accomplices put to death
by Gregor McGregor of Stronmelecan and his followers at Ardeonaig,
24th July, 1 565 : He was a very wicked wretch, and an oppressor of
the poor ; whence it is said, thou shalt not suffer evil-doers to live
upon the earth."

In a short note in the vernacular the curate finally sums up
the troubles of the same year, 1565 :

" Gret hayrschyppis in mony pairts of Scotland, in Stratherne, in
Lennox, in Glenalmond, in Braydalbin, baytht slattyr and oppessyon
beand mayd in syndry udyr partis be the Erll of Ergill and M'Gregor
and ther complesis. Siclyk in Strathardil mony men slayn be the
men of Atholl and the Stuarts of Lorn."

M'Gregor from the commencement of the feud, was
fighting in a desperate cause ; and when, as described, the
bands of coalition were tightened and secured in 1569, his

1 84 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

doom could easily be foretold without any illumination
from the second sight. M'Gregor, when a ward of the
Campbells, had been consigned to the care of the Laird of
Glenlyon, who honourably and kindly discharged the duties
of a guardian. At this early period a mutual attatchment,
destined to have a lasting influence on the fates of both,
and in its ultimate results comprising materials for a bloody
tragedy, sprung up between the young chief and the
daughter of the Laird. It does not appear that Glenlyon
frowned upon the youthful lovers ; nor, perhaps, had the
policy of his clan, and chiefly that of the Glenorchy branch,
with which he was most nearly allied, left him a free agent,
would he have sought a better son-in-law than the heir of
Glenstrae. The Laird's name occurs in the combination
against Duncan Ladosach ; nay, he was present subse-
quently at the death of Gregor himself, for which he earned
the curse of his daughter ; but in these matters he could
not help himself, and his true sentiments towards the per-
secuted clan are much better learned from the fact, that it
was in the heat of the feud with Glenurchay " Gregour Roy
marriet the Laird of Glenlyoun's dochter." True enough,
tradition confidently affirms M'Gregor had been with pur-
posed treachery entangled by the Campbells into a matri-
monial net ; but as this is coupled with another assertion
equally unhesitating, that it was " Black Duncan with the
cowl" who had given his daughter to the M' Gregor — a fact
which the "Black Book" and every other contemporary
authority prove to be utterly groundless — the known in-
correctness of the latter assertion leaves nothing of credit
to the former. Still, with all its confusion of dates and
persons, there is clearly in the story some infusion of truth.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 185

The Clan Gregor, after the first flush, languished in their
efforts, while the exterminating energy of their foes daily
gathered strength. Unable to keep the field openly, they
gradually sank into that state denoted by the old Proverb,
of being "men with their heads under the wood," and
carried on a skulking predatory warfare of creachs and
spulzies by small bands operating in different places at the
same time, thus obliging their enemies to divide for the
sake of self-protection ; and so rather risked being cut off in
detail than hazarded any general engagement in which the
warriors of the clan might all be cut down. * " Duncan with
the Cowl" the son and heir of Glenorchy, was in the latter
years of the feud at the head of his father's men, and tasked
all his cunning to capture M'Gregor, knowing if deprived
of their chief the clan might resume the yoke of servitude
to the family of Glenorchy which they now so indignantly
spurned. Ascertaining that Gregor frequently visited his
spouse, and that in spite of his bond to the contrary the
Laird of Glenlyon connived at the stolen interviews, and if
not actually assisting, always allowed the rebel to escape;
" Black Duncan " laid his plans so as to astonish all parties,
and having secretly dogged his steps, captured at last the
unfortunate chief in Glenlyon, when enjoying a fancied
security in the embraces of his wife.

Gregor was taken in August, 1569, and it was probably
owing to the efforts made by the Glenlyon family that his
life was spared until the following spring. In the interval
great events for Scotland occurred. Regent Murray was
assassinated on the 23rd January, 1570. The Queen's party
prepared to raise the standard of revolt. The state of the
nation probably hastened McGregor's fate. Glenorchy

1 86 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

and the barons associated with him had injured the
M'Gregors too deeply for reconciliation ; and, therefore,
unless crushed, they knew the desperate clan, in the civil
commotion which appeared then inevitable, would strike
right and left, independent of political factions, blows of
sweet revenge upon all enemies. The execution of Gregor
was skilfully surrounded with all the pomp and circumstance
of justice. It is simply entered by the Curate of Fortingall
— "The vij. da of Apryill, Gregor M'Gregor of Glensra
heddyt at Belloch anno sexte and ten yeris." The compiler
of the Black Book, in recording the life and deeds of " Colene
Sext Laird of Glenurquhay," ushers it in with a flourish of
trumpets : —

" He (Colin) was ane great justiciar all his tyme, throch the quhilk
he sustenit the deidlie feid of the Clangregour ane lang space. And
besydes that he caused executt to the death mony notable lymmaris
he beheiddit the Laird of M'Gregour himself at Kandmoir in presence
of the Erie of Atholl, the Justice- Clerk, and sundrie uthir nobillmen."

To this worshipful company the daughter of Glenlyon —
who clung with affectionate tenacity to the husband hunted
and hated by her powerful kinsmen, and now condemned
to undergo a rebel's doom — came to implore forgiveness
and mercy. It was too late ; the deed was done, the
victim immolated. " Black Duncan," yet a mere youth,
but cruel and cunning from the cradle, when she broke out
into wailing lamentation, sneeringly comforted his hapless
cousin with an assurance that she would soon be married
to the Baron of Dall (a MacOmie, or " Son of Thomas ")
and as his wife forget the rebel M'Gregor !

With this lady, M'Gregor had two sons — viz., Allaster
Roy M'Gregor who was shamefully betrayed by Argyle,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 187

and executed and hanged at the Market Cross of Edinburgh,
1604 ; and " John Dow," who fell at the battle of Glenfruin,
fighting against the Laird of Luss, in the year 1603.
" John Dow," or Black John, was, it would seem, born after
his father's execution ; and it was in the form of a lullaby
for her posthumous child that the grief-blighted mother
couched the tale of sorrow, so pathetic, although deeply
tinged with the barbarous madness of misfortune. The
song referred to is the following : —

" On Lammas morn I rejoiced with my love : ere noon my heart
was pressed with sorrow.

" Ochain, ochain, ochain uiridh,
Sad my heart my child :
Ochain, ochain, ochain, uiridh,
Thy father hears not our moan !

" Under ban be the nobles and friends who pained me so : who un-
awares came on my love, and overmastered him by guile. Ochain.
&c.,

" Had there been twelve of his race, and my Gregor at their head,
my eye would not be dim with tears, nor my child without father.
Ochain, &c.

" They laid his head upon an oaken block : they poured his blood
on the ground : oh / had I there a cup I would drink of it my fill !
Ochain, &c.

" Oh ! that my father* had been sick, and Colint in the plague,
and all the Campbells in Balloch wearing manacles. Ochain.

" I would have put * Gray Colin ' under lock, and ' Black Duncan ' in
a dungeon, though Ruthven's daughter^ would be wringing her hands.
Ochain, &c.

" I went to the plains of Balloch, but rest found not there : I tore
the hair from my head, the skin from my hands. Ochain, &c.

" Had I the wings of the lark, the strength of Gregor in my arm, the

* Duncan Roy of Glenlyon.
t Her Brother Cailean Gorach,

J Catherine, daughter of William Lord Ruthven, second wife of "Cailean Liath" and
mother of "Black Duncan with the cowl."

1 88 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

highest stone in the castle would have been the one next the ground.
Ochain, &c.

" Oh ! that Finlairg were wrapt in flames, proud Taymouth lying in
ashes, and fair-haired Gregor of the white hands in my embrace !
Ochain, &c.

" All others have apples ; I have none : my sweet lovely apple has
the back of his head to the ground. Ochain, &c.

" Other men's wives sleep soft in their homes : I stand by the bed-
side wringing my hands. Ochain, &c.

" Better follow Gregor through heath and wold, than be with the
mean little Baron of Dall in a house of stone and lime. Ochain, &c.

" Better be with Gregor putting the cattle to the glen, than with the
mean little Baron drinking wine and beer. Ochain, &c.

" Better be with Gregor under sackcloth of hair, than wear silken
sheen as the mean Baron's bride. Ochain, &c.

" Though it snowed and drifted, and was a day of sevenfold storm,
Gregor would find me a rock, in whose shelter we might lie secure.
" Ba hu, ba hu, my orphan young,
For still a tender plant art thou,
And much I fear the day won't come
When thou shalt earn thy father's fame."

XIX.

BY the death of Gregor, the clan was left again without
a head or rallying point. Some immediately granted
anew bonds of manrent and submission to the barons on
whose lands they resided. Another party, headed by Pat-
rick, grandson of Duncan Ladosach, scornfully refused any
compromise, and struck redoubled blows of vengeance on
the traitors to the spirit of clanship, who yielded to the de-
mands of Glenorchy or any other. Three months after the
execution of the chief, the band, led by Patrick, came upon
a company of Glenorchy 's men in Glenfalloch, and slew
eighteen of them and their captain. Two weeks after this
exploit, the same lawless leader committed the following
atrocity on two of the principals of the Stronfernan
M'Gregors, who had granted bonds to Cailean Liath : —

" The xxiiij da of September, the yer of God ane thousand five
hundyr sexte xij yeris, Allestyr M' Allestyr and his son, ane yonge
barne of sevin yer aid, callyt Gregor, and Duncan, brodyr tyl Allestyr,
al slain in Stronferna be Patryk Dow M'Gregor V'Condoquhy
Lawdossyt, with his complesis, and be the drath of Allestyr Gald
M'V'Gregor. The saidis Allestyr and his son and brodyr zyrdyth in
Fortyrgill the awcht and xx da of September, Si bene fecit sic habuit?

Black Patrick wished clearly to grasp the vicarious
sceptre of regent or tutor of the clan, wielded by his father
during the minority of the preceding chief; but the clan as
a whole refusing to support his pretensions, he never got

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

beyond being captain of the " broken men." With the help
of these, he kept up for a few years a widespread system of
spoliation and outrage through the districts of Strathearn,
Breadalbane, Athole and Lennox. The feudal barons cut
off his band in detail. One of his principal subordinates,
Donald Dow M'Conil V'Quhewin, was "heddyt at Ken-
more be Collyn Campbell of Glenurquhay, the sevint da of
Apryl, 1574." This man possessed the lands of Duneaves
in Fortingall, and we shall have to say more of one of his
descendants in the sequel. On the 4th October, 1574, Pat-
rick himself was slain in Balquhidder by the " Clandowil-
chayr," a section of his own surname who disapproved of
his violent proceedings. His followers, inured to predatory
habits and a life of warfare with all men, seemed to have
kept together, and to have become known afterwards by
the designation of M'Eaghs, or " children of the mist."

The interregnum between Black Patrick's death, 1574,
and 1588, when Allaster Roy, eldest son of the ill-fated
Chief of Glenstrae, came of age, was diligently improved
by Colin of Glenorchy and his son, "Black Duncan with
the cowl? who succeeded him in 1583. The M'Gregors of
Roro renewed the old bonds of manrent to "Black Duncan"
at Balloch, 5th July, 1585. "Bond of Gregour Makcon-
aquhie V'Gregour in Roro, Alestir M'Ewin V'Conquhie
there, Gregour Makolchallum in Innerbar in Glenlyon :
Duncan Makgregour, his son in Kildie, and William Mak-
gregour son to the said Gregour there, to Duncan Campbell
of Glenurquhay, showing, that their forbears had granted
the like bond to the deceased Coleine Campbell of Clenur-
quhay, and obliging themselves, if it should happen that
Makgregour, by himself or accomplices, should break upon

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 191

the said Duncan or his heirs, their lands, tenants, and pos-
sessions, to renounce him as their chief, and to take part
with the said Duncan against him." But the experience
of the last feud had convinced Glenorchy of the evanes-
cent effect of these bonds when a question affecting the
honour of the clan or the prerogatives of the chief was the
matter in debate ; and he was therefore anxious to add to
the assurance of voluntary submission the better-recognised
title and right of lord-superior. As formerly mentioned,
the superiority of the lands occupied, on " middleman "
tenure, by the house of Roro was vested in the family of
Menzies. The substance of the bond given below shows by
what unscrupulous means Glenorchy sought to wrest from
the Laird of Weem the right which he held of him already
as tenant : —

" Johne, Earl of Athole, binds himself not to appoint nor agree with
James Menzies of that Ilk in regard to any controversy, until Glenur-
quhay should first obtain in feu or long tacks from Menzies his lands
lying on the west side of the water of Lyoun, holden of him by the
said Duncane ; and that he would not reset, nor allow to be resetted
within his bounds, any goods belonging to James Menzies or his ten-
ants, or show them any favour ; that if the said James Menzies should
pursue the said Duncane, or be pursued by him, he would assist the
said Duncane with all his forces ; and that he should give the like as-
sistance against the Clangregour if they should render aid to Menzies.
At Dunkeld, 2$th June, 1585."

By a mutual bond, dated 2Oth March, 1584, he got
Strowan to bind himself to " cause all his tenants of the
lands and barony of Ferney serve the Earl of Argyle and
Duncan Campbell in hosting and hunting." On the break-
ing out of the next horrible feud, this bond was amplified
or changed into another, dated at Balloch, i6th October,
1 590, bearing that " Donald Robertson of Strowan, finding

IQ2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

that divers of the Clangregour occupied his lands and
barony of Fernay, in the lordship of Descheor and Toyer,
and Sheriffdome of Perth, against his will, so that he could
not well remove them, binds himself and his heirs, if, by
the assistance of Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurquhay, he
can remove them orderly, to put in their stead tenants
bound to serve the said Sir Duncane in hosting, hunting,
and obedience, as the tenants of the said lands did pre-
viously, the said Sir Duncane being bound to defend the
said tenants in their possessions."

Allaster Roy being of age in 1589, claimed feudal
enfeoffment of his property of Glenstrae. Glenorchy, the
lord-superior, refused to grant the investiture. It would
disarrange the whole policy of the Laird of Glenorchy
should the chief of the Clan Gregor continue to hold the
messuage of Stronmelochan, and have a legal base of opera-
tion for his numerous and devoted followers. The affront
put upon him in this matter precipitated the chief and those
of his clan, who had since the last feud scrupulously kept
aloof, into sharing and adopting the rash counsels and
rasher deeds of the " brokin men," now styled " children of
the mist," or M'Eaghs.

In September, 1589, the M'Eaghs surprised John Drum-
mond of Drummond-Ernoch in the forest of Glenartney
and cut off his head. Probably the band of " brokin men "
thought this a very justifiable vengeance for the aid given
by the Drummonds in pursuing their first and ablest leader,
" Duncan Ladosach, to the deid," or there might have been
more recent feuds unrevenged ; but the slaughter was inde-
fensible even by the very loose code of justice which the
M'Gregors themselves acknowledged, for Drummond-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 193

Ernoch was at that very time doubly under the assurance of
the clan. Worse still was the atrocity of bringing the dead
man's head to the house of Ardvorlich, and stuffing the
mouth with the bread and cheese given them by his sister.
The consequences to the lady, and the child of whom she
was about to become a mother, have been described in
the pleasant Legend of Montrose, by Sir Walter Scott.
Treated for nearly a century like wolves and beasts of
prey, it was not reasonable to think the " brokin men "
should conduct themselves like civilised creatures ; but this
deed was so unmanly and execrable — so violently opposed
to the irregular chivalry which the clan, in the darkest
phases of existence, manifested as a whole — that we are
forced to conclude some inexplicable and occult reasons led
them into adopting the atrocious murder. The chief and
principals of the clan had no hand in its perpetration, yet
no sooner did they become aware of the slaughter than
they gathered to the church of Balquhidder, and there in a
most appalling manner made the deed of blood their own.
The quarrel was one of extermination, and it was perhaps
fitting that the reunion of the clan under a young chief,
already affronted by the powerful enemy of his race in the
tenderest point, and burning for revenge on his own ac-
count, on account of his clan, and of his father's fate, should
be cemented by the blood of a foeman ; but the strange thing
was, that the quiet bond-granters, who had been obedient
vassals to their different over-lords for twenty years, should,
on such an apparently trivial quarrel, throw their engage-
ments to the wind, and at once brave those dangers which
the whole tenor of their lives showed they were pretty wil-
ling to shun. But wonder as we may, the list of 200 clans-

194 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

men mentioned nominatim in the commission of fire and
sword issued by the Secret Council on this occasion, leaves
no doubt of its being a general movement of the clan, in
which the principals of the " three houses " participated.

The nature of the proceedings by which the clan adopted
the guilt of the " brokin men " is described in an Act of
Privy-Council, dated Edinburgh, 4th February, 1589, in
these terms : —

" Likeas, after ye murder committed, ye authors yrof cutted off ye
said umqull Jo. Drummond's head, and carried the same to the Laird
of M'Gregour, who, and the haill surname, of M'Gregours, purposely
convened upoun the Sunday yrafter at the Kirk of Buchquhidder, qr
they caused the said umqull John's head to be presented to ym, and
yr avowing ye sd murder to have been committed by their communion,
council, and determination, laid yr hands upoun the pow, and, in eith-
nick and barbarous manner, swear to defend ye authors of ye sd mur-
der, in maist proud contempt of our Sovrn Lord and his authoritie,
and in evil example to other wicked lymmaris to do ye like, gif ys sail
be suffered to remain unpunisched."

I append Sir Alexander Boswell's poetical description of
the same scene, as probably more interesting to most
readers : — The head of Drummond is on the altar, and
over it is thrown the banner of the tribe. The Chief
advances —

" And pausing, on the banner gazed :
Then cried in scorn, his finger raised,
( This was the boon of Scotland's king : '
And with a quick and angry fling,
Tossing the pageant screen away,
The dead man's head before him lay.
Unmoved he scanned the visage o'er,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLVON. 195

The clotted locks were dark with gore,

The features with convulsion grim,

The eyes contorted, sunk, and dim,

But unappall'd in angry mood,

With lowering brow, unmoved he stood.

Upon the head his bared right hand

He laid, the other grasped his brand ;

Then, kneeling, cried, ' To heaven I swear

This deed of death I own and share ;

As truly fully mine as though

This my right hand had dealt the blow.

Come, then, our foemen, one, come all ;

If to revenge this caitiffs fall

One blade is bared, one bow is drawn,

Mine everlasting peace I pawn,

To claim from them, or claim from him,

In retribution, limb for limb.

In sudden fray, or open strife

This steel shall render life for life.'

He ceased ; and at his beckoning nod,

The clansmen to the altar trod ;

Andoiot a whisper breathed around,

And nought was heard of mortal sound,

Save from the clanking arms they bore,

That rattled on the marble floor ;

And each, as he approached in haste,

Upon the scalp his right hand placed :

With livid lip, and gathered brow,

Each uttered, in his turn, the vow.

(Macgregor) watched the passing scene,

And searched them through with glances keen,

Then dashed a tear-drop from his eye —

Unbid it came — he knew not why.

Exulting high, he towering stood :

* Kinsmen,' he cried, ' of Alpin's blood,

And worthy of Clan Alpin's name,

Unstained by cowardice and shame,

E'en do, spare nocht, in time of ill,

Shall be Clan Alpin's legend still.' "

196 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

The following " bond to pursue the Clan M'Gregor for
the murder of John Drummond " is formed in conformity
with the Act of Privv Council : —

"Be it kend til all men, us undirsubscryvers, understanding be
money — actis — maid nocht onlie be — the Kings Maiesties — progeni-
touris, bat alsa be his Maiesties self, baith in Parliament and Privie
Counsel, anent the daylie mourthouris, slauchteris, herschipis, and
thiftis committit be clannis of hieland men upone the inhabitantes of
the laiche countries, speciallie be the Clan of M'Gregouris — Lyke as
laitlie the said Clan of M'Gregour, in the moneth of September last
bipast, maist creuallie slew and murtherit Johne Drumond of Drum-
nerenocht in Glenarknay, being under thair doubil assurance, the ane
grantit — be My Lord Huntlie in thair name to my Lord of Montroiss,
assuring that he and all his, and in speacial the said Johne Drum-
mond, suid be unharmit in body and geir — ay and quhil the said as-
surance suld be upgiffin and dischargit on, to my Lord of Montroiss
be the said Erie of Huntlie, quhilk onnavyss wes sa done afoir the
said slauchter nor yit sensyne ; the uthir assurance being granted and

given be in name of that hail clan, to my Lord of Inchaffray and

all his kin, freindis, and surname, upone the Monunday befoir the said
slauchter, sua that nather of the forsaid assurances was then outrun :
The said Johne being directit be his Chief, at his Maiestie's command-
ment, for getting of vennisoune, to have send to Edinburgh! to his
Maiestie's mariage, the said clan cuttit and of-tuik his heid, and thair-
after convenand the rest of that clan, and setting down the heid befoir
thame, tharby causing thame authoreiss the said creuel murthour,
lykas thai have done, mening thairby to continue the lyke or greter,
gif thai be not prevented. - - - We undirsubscryvand, beand sua ten-
tlir of blud alliance and nychtbouris, being sua oft of our freindis, ten-
nentis, and seruandis slane, murtherit, and herriet be the said clan of
befoir, and of mynd to revinge the said creuel murthour and bluide of
the said John Drummond hes bundin — ilk ane of us — to tak treu and
efald pairt togidder for perseuing of the said clan and committaris of
the said murthour — quhairevir thai may be apprehendit ; and gif thai
sail happin to frequent or invade oney ane of us, we al sail repair and
hald our forcis to the partie invadit ; and we bind us, upon our honour
and lautie, that nane of us sail appoint or agre witht the said clan, by

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 197

the advyss of the rest of the subsryveris. In witnes quhairof, we have
subsryvit this present witht our handis, at Mugdoge, Inispeffre, and
Drummond, and Balloch, the xx, xxiiij, and thrattie dayis of Octobir,
1589, befoir thir witnes, Robert Grahame of Auchinclocht, William
Drummond of Pitcarrnis.

" DRUMMOND.

" DUNCAN CAMPBELL, of Glenurquhay.

" JHONE, Earl of Montroiss.

" INCHEFFRAY."

XX.

THE general commission of 1589 was to endure for the
space of three years ; but as the commissioners, who
had not all the same interest in the extinction of the Clan
Gregor as Glenorchy, exhibited apparent backwardness in
the matter, a particular commission was granted to Sir
Duncan, July, 1591, in which the clan as a whole are de-
scribed as rebels, and at the horn for diverse horrible of-
fences. Fire and sword were denounced against the har-
bourers of the clan ; power was given to convocate the
lieges of Breadalbane, and the neighbouring districts, to
follow up the pursuit ; and the surrounding noblemen and
barons were commanded, under heavy penalties, to aid Sir
Duncan. It had been now twice severely experienced, that
the expedient of making them foreswear and up-give their
chief by bonds, completely failed to gain the fidelity of the
M'Gregors, and to make them true vassals of the Campbells.
In this commission, therefore, the system was condemned by
the supreme authority. The bonds of maintenance subsist-
ing between Sir Duncan and the principals of the clan were
cancelled, and all such engagements forbidden for the
future. With such ample powers, Glenorchy was yet far
from being master of Clan Alpin's fate. He, and his
truculent cousin, the Laird of Lawers, chased them, it is
true, from Breadalbane, surprised and slew some, and made

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 199

others prisoners ; but the great body escaped into districts,
where, notwithstanding the royal authority, he did not care
to follow them. The Laird of Glenlyon, moved both by
the claims of recent relationship and hereditary fosterage,
openly set at nought the mandates and defied the venge-
ance of Glenorchy, nay, divorced from bed and board the
sister of Lawers, his second wife, because, as formerly
mentioned, she madly schemed to betray a company of
M'Gregors for whom her husband had prepared a hospi-
table feast. Menzies connived at if he did not aid the flight
of the fugitives to Rannoch. Argyle also, who found the
clan very useful in prosecuting, with safety to himself,
bloody feuds against his enemies, did not wish such hearty
success to his kinsmen, Glenorchy, as to shut up absolutely
the passes to the West. Sir Duncan, therefore, relinquished
for a time the scheme of extermination, and, within a year
after his commission was issued, obtained leave from the
king to enter into new bonds of manrent and forgiveness
with the rebels. Failing thus in the bolder course, Sir
Duncan, for the first time, humbled himself to propitiate
the M'Gregors, by surrendering a portion of their escheats.
A family of M'Gregors derived from the house of Roro,
known by the name of M'Quhewin or Mf Queens, settled in
Fortingall before 1498. In course of time, they came into
possession of the lands of Duneaves. As already noticed, the
representative of this family — Donald Oig M'Quhewin, as-
sociate of the grandson of Duncan Ladasoch — was beheaded
at Kenmore by Colin of Glenorchy, 1574. His lands fell
into the hands of Colin and his successors by escheat.
About 1594, these lands were restored by Sir Duncan to the
nephew of Donald Oig ; for, on the 8th August of that

200 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

year, we find " Patrik M'Queine, minister of God's word at
Rothesay, ratifies all former bonds of manrent granted by
Patrik Oig M'Queine his father, Donald Oig his father's
brother, and others their friends and forebears, to Sir Dun-
can Campbell of Glenurchay, knight, and his predecessors,
and that because he had sufficient proof of Sir Duncan's
goodwill, especially in giving him possession of the lands
of Easter Tenaif (Duneaves), which he could not enjoy
without the assistance of Sir Duncan ; and obliges himself
and his heirs to give to Sir Duncan hosting, hunting, and
all other due service, performed by his predecessors out of
the lands of Easter and Wester Tenaif, Auchater, and other
lands possessed by him ; to give Sir Duncan calp and
bairn's part of gear, and not to dispose of said lands with-
out Sir Duncan's consent, else such deed to be ipso facto
null and void."

Patrik, in the course of six years, was deprived of the
lands thus restored. Sir Duncan, however, did not find it
so cheap or pleasant to keep false reckoning with the
minister of Rothesay, and his brother-complainer, the
Baron of " Curquhyn," as with the more warlike and less
astute principals of the clan. A memorandum to the
following effect appears in the Black Book : —

" The said Sir Duncan wes wardit in the Castell of Edinbruch in
moneth of Junii, in the zeir of God 1601, throch the occasioun of cer-
tane fals leis and forged inventis of ane Donald Monteith, alias Barroun
Curquhyn, and ane uther callit Patrik McOuene, ane deboysched
and depryved minister, quhilks fals and forged inventiounis and calum-
neis alledgit, nochwithstanding they wer never qualefeit nor provin, zit
in respect of the pooir and gredie courteouris for the tyme, the said Sir
Duncan was detenit in warde till he payit to the king his courteouris
fourtie thousand markis."

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2OI

Between 1593 and 1600, several schemes were proposed
for training and civilizing the clan without going to ex-
tremity. In 1596, Allaster Roy appeared before the King
and Council at Dunfermline, took the oath of allegiance to
be his Majesty's " house-hald " man, and bound himself
for the good behaviour of his clan. On this, and several
other occasions, the chief exhibited a sincere desire to be-
come a quiet and obedient subject ; but the incessant en-
croaching by the landlords of the M'Gregors upon rights
which his foolish followers thought no feudal charters could
abrogate, and the lawlessness in which a century of perse-
cution had hardened them, precipitated him into courses
from which there was no extrication. These measures
failing, Argyle was appointed, with the most ample powers,
his Majesty's Lieutenant and Justice in the whole bounds
inhabited by the clan. The strangest thing in the transac-
tion is, that James bound his royal hands, by a clause in
the commission, promising he would not hear the suits of,
or grant favour or pardon to the McGregors or any one of
them, without the concurrence of the Earl. The fount of
royal mercy being thus shut up, the clan fell entirely under
the management of Argyle, who, if he did not persecute
them according to the tenor of his commission, did what
was ultimately more fatal — use them as the tools of re-
vengeful policy, and then betray them. The Battle of
Glenfruin, in 1603, though, as formerly noticed, partly
brought about by an affront offered to the M'Gregors, was
in no slight way fought at the instigation of the King's
Lieutenant. In this conflict fell John Dubh, the brother of
the chief.

The undisguised abhorrence of James VI. to bloodshed

2O2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

and weapons of war is described by all contemporaries.
On more than one occasion of extreme emergency he did
show sparks of hereditary courage and resolution ; but
usually his constitutional timidity very poorly compensated
for the pacific character he affected. After the conflict of
Glenfruin, the enemies of the Clan Gregor skilfully used the
weakness of the monarch to obtain a series of enactments
disgraceful to the statute-book of Scotland. Eleven score
widows of the Colquhouns appeared before James at Stir-
ling, arrayed in mourning, riding on white palfreys, and
each bearing on a spear the bloody shirt of her husband.
An Act of Privy-Council, dated 3rd April, 1603, proscribes
the name of the clan, and denounces death to any calling
himself Gregor or M'Gregor. Another Act of Council,
dated 24th June, 1613, forbids, on pain of death, those
formerly called M'Gregors to assemble together in greater
numbers than four. An Act of Parliament, 1617, chap. 26,
continued these laws, and extended them to the rising
generation, because then numbers of the children of those
who had fallen by the persecution were coming of age, and
threatened, if permitted to assume the dreadful patronymic,
to make the clan as formidable as ever.

Argyle, the first to tempt the poor chief to villainy, was
also the first to betray him. By agreement with Argyle,
the Laird of Ardkinglas, on the 2nd October, 1603, having
invited M'Gregor to a banquet in his house, which was
built on an island of Loch Fyne, then and there made him
prisoner, and put him into a boat with five men to guard
him, besides the rowers, to be sent to the Earl. M'Gregor,
when half-across, got his hands loosed, struck the one next
to him overboard, leaped after him into the water, and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 203

escaped by swimming. Much to his honour, Allaster of
Glenstrae was more solicitous about the peace and security
of his clan than his personal safety. Knowing well the
misrepresentations by which James had been led to sanc-
tion the severe measures against them, he gave himself up
to Argyle upon condition of his allowing him to pass into
England to lay his case before the King, and to give hostages
for the peaceable behaviour of the M'Gregors. No sooner,
however, had he reached Berwick, than he was arrested by
the Earl, brought back to Edinburgh, condemned, and put
to death, together with the hostages, although, as Calder-
wood observes, " reputed honest for their own pairts." The
manner in which Argyle paltered with truth, keeping the
word of promise to the ear and breaking it to the hope,
shows that he had everything to fear from an interview be-
tween M'Gregor and the sovereign, and corroborates the
disagreeable truth of the

LAIRD OF MAKGREGOUR'S DECLARATION,"
(Producit the time of conviction).

" I Allaster M'Gregour of Glenstrae, confesse heir, before God, that
I have been persuadit, movit, and intysit, as I am now presentlie
accusit and troublit for : olse, gif I had usit counsall or command of
the man that has intysit me, I wad have done and committit sundrie
heich Murthouris mair ; ffor trewlie, sen I was first his Majesteis man,
I culd never be at ane eise, by my Lord of Argyll's falshete and inven-
tiones ; for he causit M'Claine and Clanchamrowne commett herschip
and slauchter in my roum of Rennoche, the quhilk causit my pure
men therefter to bege and steill ; also therefter, he moweit my brother
and some of my freindis to commit baith herschip and slauchter upon
the Laird of Luss : Alsua, he persuadit myselfe, with message, to weir
aganis the Laird of Boquhanene, quhilk I did refuise, for the quhilk
I was contenowalie bostit that he sould be my unfreind ; and quhen I
did refuise his desire on that point, then he intysit me with uther

204 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

messengeris, as be the Laird of M'Knachtane and utheris of my
freindis, to weir and truble the Laird of Luss, quhilk I behuffit to do
for his fals boutgaittis. Then, quhen he saw I was at ane strait, he
cawsit me trow he was my guid friend ; but I did persave he was slaw
therin. Then I made my moyan to pleis his Majestic and Lords of
Counsall, baith of service and obedience, to puneische faultouris and
to saif innosent men ; and quhen Argyll was made foresein thereof,
he intysit me to stay and start fra they conditiouns, causing me to
understand that I was dissavit, bot with fair wordis ; to put me in ane
snair, that he mychtgett thelandis of Kintyre in feyell fra his Majestic,
begane to put at me and my kin, the quhilk Argyll inventit maist
schamfullie, and persuadit the Laird of Ardkinlaiss to dissave me,
quha was the man I did maist trest into ; but God did relief me in
the mean tyme to libertie maist narrowlie. Nevertheless, Argyll maid
the open brutt, that Ardkinlaiss did all that falsheid by his knowledge,
quhilk he did intyse me with oft and sundrie messages, that he wald
mak my peace and saif my lyfe and landis, only to puneiss certane
faultouris of my kin, and my innosent freindis to renounce thair sir-
name, and to leif peaseablie. Upone the quhilk conditiounis he was
sworne be ane ayth to his freindis, and they sworne to me, and als
I haif his vuarrand and handwrytt thereupone. The quhilk promeis,
gif they be honestlie keepit, I let God be Judge ! And at oure meet-
ing, in our awin chalmer, he was sworne to be in witness of his awin
friend. Attour, I confess before God, that he did all his craftie
diligence to intyse me to slay and destroy the Laird of Ardinkaipull,
Mackally, for ony ganes, kyndness, or friendship that mycht he do or
gif me ; the quhilk I did refuis, in respect of my faithfull promeis
made to Mackallay of before. Also, he did all the diligence he culd
to move me to slay the Laird of Ardkinglaiss in lyk manner ; but 1
never grantit thereto, thro the quhilk he did envy me gretumly. And
now, seing God and man seis it is greediness of wardlie gier quhilk
causis him to putt at me and my kin, and not the weill of the realme,
nor to pacific the saymn, nor to his Majestie's honour, bot to putt down
innosent men, to cause pure bairnes and infanttes beg, and pure wemen
to perisch for hunger, quhen they are heriet of their geir, the quhilk I
pray God that thair faultis lycht not upon his Majestic heirefter, nor
upone his successione. Quherfor I wald beseek God that his Majestic
knew the verity, that at this hour I wald be content to tak banishment,
with all my kin that was at the Laird of Lussis slauchter, and all

THE LAIRDS OF GLEN L VON. 2O$

utheris of thame that ony fault can be laid to their charge. And his
Majestic, of his mercie, to let pure innosent men and young bairnies
pass to libertie, and learn to leif as innosent men : The quhilk I wald
fulfill bot ony kynd of faill, quhilk wald be mair to the will of God and
his Majestie's honour nor the greidie crewall form that is devysit, only
for love of geir, having nather respect to God nor honesty."

What a fearful echo of the good old times ! The face
of affairs had been gradually changing since the marriage
of Malcolm Ceannmore with Margaret of England. Custom
and usage had been displaced by positive laws ; the voice
of the monarch and national council rose superior to the
separate and opposing clamours of distinctive straths and
glens ; and the Regiani and its cognate regulations at
length received the solidity of things real, and no longer
remained what they were centuries after being ushered into
the world, the uncertain prophecies of things yet to be.
Clanship retired from the public stage, surrendered to an-
tagonistic principles the theoretical connection between the
subject and the king, and limited its operations to the re-
lation of baron and follower, scorning still to acknowledge
the latter as the vassal ot the former. The progressive
change was effected without danger where the ancient
families retained their old possessions, where the chief of
the tribe could still be a chief to those of his surname, and,
without a conflict of hostile elements, be a feudal baron in
relation to the monarch and his laws. The clans who lost
their lands were alone those who stuck to the old traditions,
the ancient free institutions of the forest, with a pertinacity
which rendered it necessary for feudalism either to destroy
or be destroyed. An Act of Parliament, passed 1587, at-
tempted, by stringent regulations, to crush the last efforts

2O6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of clanship, by declaring thefts committed by landed men
(creachs) to be treason, and punishable by death ; by order-
ing the landlords of persons acknowledging another chief
to refuse them all help, and to remove them from their
bounds, or give caution for them — which they would
be unwilling to grant for men obeying the behests of
another ; and, moreover, by ordaining that the captains,
chiefs and chieftains of clans, both Border and Highland,
be noted in a roll, and obliged, under pain of fire and sword,
to surrender to the King and Council certain pledges or
hostages, liable to suffer death if redress of injuries were
not made by the persons for whom they lay. A pendant
to this Act of some interest, as showing the weakened state
of the clan system in 1587, is, "The Roll of the Clannes
that hes Captaines and Chieftaines, quhom on they depende,
oftimes against the willes of their Landes-Lordes, alsweill
on the Bordoures as Hielandes ; and of sum special per-
sons of Braunches of the saidis Clannes." Seventeen sur-
names on the Borders are marked down in the black list,
and the following from the " Hie-landes & lies " bear them
company — viz., " Bychannanes ; Mak-farlanes of the Arro-
quhair ; Mak-knabes ; Grahames of Menteith ; Stewarts of
Balquhidder ; Clanne-Gregore ; Clan Lauren ; Campbells
of Lochinel ; Campbells of Inneran ; Clan-dowall of Lome ;
Stewartes of Lome or of Appin ; Clan-Mackeane Awright ;
Stewartes of Athoil, and partes adjacent; Menzies in
Athoil and Apnadull; Clane-mak-Thomas in Glensche;
Fergussones ; Spaldinges ; Makintosches in Athoil ; Clan-
Chamron ; Clan-Rannald in Loch-Aber ; Clan-Rannald of
Knoydart, Moydart, and Glengarry ; Clan-Lewid of the
Lewis ; Clan-Lewid of Harrichs ; Clan-Neill ; Clan-Kin-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2O/

non ; Clan-Leane; Clan-Chattane; Grantes ; Frasers ; Clan-
Keinzie ; Clan-Avercis ; Munroes ; Murrayes in Suther-
land." The list contains nearly the whole purely Celtic
clans. The aim of the Act was not more the putting
down of spoliation than of bringing the whole of Scotland
under uniform laws, abolishing the affinity-tie, and making
the territorial arrangement supreme. 1 he Government
was so intent upon not allowing a door of escape from
these stringent enactments, that in the same Parliament
(1587) a supplementary Act was passed, ordering High-
landers and Borderers to be removed from the " In-land
quhair they ar planted, and presently dwellis or haunts, to
the parts quhair they were borne ; except their Land-
lordes, quhair they presently dwell, will become soverty for
them, to make them answerable to the Law as the Low-
land and obedient men, under the pains conteined in the
Acts of Parliament." With most of the tribes above speci-
fied, the external obedience required by the Act was not so
difficult to give. As possessors of land, and bailies on their
own property, the chiefs easily assumed towards the King
the feudal relation insisted upon ; while at home, and in
presence of their surname, the Celtic customs remained
paramount. The McGregors could not give obedience :
they had already been deprived of their land possessions,
and they could not be feudalised without surrendering their
clan existence, since territory, the proper base of the feudal
system, remained no longer with their chief.

The King, working through the organization of feudal-
ism, was in effect aiming at consolidating the central or
kingly authority into an absolute despotism. But in the
meantime a contrary element, more menacing to the

208 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

hopes of autocrats than the affinity-tie of clanship in its
most vigorous days, operated among men. When a child
in the cradle, the Reformation had hailed James with the
titles of sovereignty, and placed a crown upon his baby
brow ; and yet in struggling with that power he spent his
whole life in vain. Highland clanship was proscribed and
hunted, and contemporaneously the Lowlands were leagued
into one large clan against the monarch and his policy, by
a principle derived from the deepest springs of human
feeling. In the days of Charles the storm burst ; and the
maxims of kingcraft, which James had so strenuously
laboured to establish, were contemptuously tossed to the
winds. Is it not strange, that the house of Stuart, reduced
to beggary and want, and their maxims of government
become a political myth, did not find in the circle of the
clans so virulently attacked the most envenomed of their
foes, and the firmest allies of the large rebellious clan of
religion ? Look at the preceding list, and compare it with
those following Montrose, Dundee, Mar, and "Bonnie
Prince Charlie ; " and say, are they not the same ? Clan-
ship was not to be put down by proscription and persecu-
tion ; but in the day of trial it freely bled for its persecu-
tors, and when the star of Stuart finally waned, it cheerfully
surrendered life in their service amidst the horrors of
Culloden ! It is a small specimen of that ever-recurring
mystery in the political life of our race — the plans of man
crushed by the long-sweeping operation of providential laws.
The panoramic mutability, and the perpetual culminating
and falling of antagonistic principles, are apt to induce the
momentary conviction that the foundation of private morals
alone is immutable, and that in public affairs expediency,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2OQ

the tame bending to the pressure of emergencies as they
arise, best subserve the good of the creature, and best har-
monize with the laws of the Creator. But it is the nearness
of objects which gives them a perplexing magnitude, and
blinds us to their relative size and position. The farther
we go down the historical gallery, the more do we perceive
purpose and order in the vista of the past, the more are we
obliged to admire the gifts of mercy and beneficence to the
whole race, wrung by the providence of heaven from the
efforts of men, though the intentions of the immediate
agents were hopelessly baffled.

XXI.

Son of bold Gregor Roy, prime source of my joy,
Thy chance from the foray, has left us full sorry
To-day,

In the hills of the deer, with thy keen-edged spear,
And hounds in leash, who would not wish
To see

The chase in sight, and the axe of might,
And bow of yew, which often slew,

The king of the forest free !

Glenlyon's boast, to all foemen's cost !
A fletcher* skilled, thy quiver filled ;
Behold !

The pointed dart is winged by art
From the eagle's spoil ; and Ireland's soil
Has sent

The silken sheen, of red and green,
Which waxed with care, from the sunbeam's flare
Protects the polished shaft.

Stronmelochan's chieff— if claiming belief
The rights of thy race — whose descent we can trace
From the king.

* Arrow-maker.

t He was by the rights of his race — i ' these rights were not fabled, which was impossible —
the proper owntr of Stronmelochan, although at the time improperly deprived of it,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 211

In thy person or mind, no fault could we find ;
Firm in council, and wise, to foresee and devise :
Like the storm

Was thy face in the field— the bravest did yield,
When flashed on the strife, our day star of life,
The steel of Clan Alpin's pride.

Open hand to thy friends, the smile of welcome attends
On thy chieftains and men ; from thy threshold could wend
No sad heart.

Strangers come from afar, and thy brave deeds in war,
To the tunes of old days, Erin's bards sing in lays
Which will last.

And the wine-cup they drain, and the pipe's merry strain
Pours the wild notes of glee — who, alas ! says to me,
The bright scene has gone past ?

Deep was the moaning, yestreen at the gloaming :
The head of his clan — of his race the first man —
Was the cause.

Long the farewell, and dark was the dell,
When he bade us adieu : Good Heaven renew
Our lost hope !

Had I gone along, less sad was my song —
Whate'er could betide, I'd be happy beside

My Chief, though the Saxons' thrall.

THE preceding is a nearly literal version of an old song,
called, in the metaphorical language of Gaelic poets,
" The Arrow of Gltnlyon? the said " Arrow " being no other
than Allaster of Glenstrae, who had been brought up, after
the death of his father Gregor, in the family of his uncle
the Laird of Glenlyon, and principally resided there during
his after life. The incident handled by the poet is Allaster's
surrender of himself into the hands of the " Saxons," for

212 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

the satisfaction of justice, on account of the conflict of Glen-
fruin. No bloody catastrophe seems to have been antici-
pated either in regard to Allaster or the hostages — the
poet indeed wishes he had been one of the latter, and for
the sake of his chief, a bondsman of the Saxons.

The moment the clan became aware of the breach of
faith towards their chief and hostages, they turned, accord-
ing to custom, their thoughts upon the best means of wreak-
ing their vengeance upon Sir Duncan Campbell, whom they
considered — perhaps in this instance unjustly — to be at the
bottom of the whole mischief. The house of Roro, which
had given seven of the hostages — including the chieftain
Gregor — threw off at last all reserve, and the prudential
considerations upon which it had hitherto acted, and set
itself at the head of the rebels. When the trial of the chief
and the hostages was proceeding in Edinburgh, a storm, be-
fore which even he quailed for a time, burst upon the head
of Sir Duncan. In a very short time the M'Gregors burned
and laid waste Culdares and Duneaves in Fortingall, Cran-
nuich in Breadalbane, Glenfalloch, and the land of Bochastil
in Menteith, all pertaining to Sir Duncan. They burned,
moreover, his castle of Achallader — the whole loss extend-
ing to a hundred thousand merks. At last, Robert of Glen-
falloch, Sir Duncan's second son, at the head of his father's
forces, effectually checked the marauders, and, following up
his advantage, pursued a great number, which he brought
to bay at " Bad-an-t'sheoig" in the Moss of Rannoch,
and thoroughly routed. In this fray was slain Duncan
Abrach M'Gregor, grandson of Duncan Ladosach, and his
son Gregor in Ardchyllie, who was Rob Roy's grandfather.
With one or two exceptions, all the principals of the clan

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 213

were either now slain or imprisoned. Clan Alpin's star was
never more dim, but the work of extirpation was far from
being accomplished ; the link of union was strengthened
in place of being destroyed. If, instead of making Allaster
and the hostages martyrs to their followers and the spirit
of clanship, the King and the Barons had hit upon means
to make them betray both, that would have weakened if
not annihilated the allegiance which survived all persecu-
tions. The policy of the King and the Campbells, &c., is
embodied in formal documents and stern enactments ; the
sentiments with which the victims met this policy and
triumphed over it, even when defeated, remain to us in the
more truthful and lifelike form of songs and poems. I
regret very much being forced, for the sake of the narrative,
to become translator of some of these without having the
requisite qualifications ; and I cannot but express the hope
that Gaelic-bred scholars, to the worship of the tuneful
goddesses inclined, will seize upon the opportunity before
it is too late, and make the poetic treasures of our native
tongue accessible to the world. The following was com-
posed about the year 1605, after the rout and slaughter at
" Bad-an-t sheoig" and the execution of Allaster and the
hostages. It would have been too much for Highland pride
to mention that Gregor of Roro, the hero of the piece, and
the other " dear foster-brothers,''' had been hanged. Though
that, in fact, is the burden of the poem, there is no direct
allusion made to it ; and the abrupt transition to the fate
of the remaining principals of the house, who had fallen
fighting with the Campbells, and had been hastily buried
as they fell on the field, in the chapel or vault of the
McGregors at Fortingall, is intended perhaps to hide the

214 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

shameful death that had overtaken the seven first men of
the house in Edinburgh. The poem is said to have been
composed by M'Gregor's nurse, as a lullaby to the young
heir : —

M'GREGOR OF RORO.

With sorrow, sad sorrow,
My cup has run o'er ;
From sorrow, sad sorrow,
I'll recover no more.

For Roro's M'Gregor
I bear the sharp pains —
McGregor of streamers
And pipe's echoing strains.

Whose symbol, the pine tree,
And erne's tufted plume,
A king's son had chosen,
In Albyn's young bloom.

Whose spear-shafted banner,
Ascending the brae,
Was held by M'Vurich
His bannerman gay.

He struck me, the coward ;
I'll mourn not to-day.
They strike me unjustly—
Who alas ! will repay ?

My rightful protectors
In death are laid low,
And my part-takers sleep
In yon chapel of woe !

And my dear foster-brothers
In the narrow bed lie,
Their mean shrouds not decked
Under gentle dame's eye !

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 21$

One counsel I give you
Should you hearken to me,
When you enter the hostel,
Oh ! moderate be.

Take drink without sitting,
And watch your menyie :
Take the cup first offered,
Be it meikle or wee.

Make harvest of winter,
And summer of spring ;
Sleep light in the mountains
Beneath the rock's wing.

Though shy is the squirrel,
He's captured at times,
And the high sweeping falcon
Low cunning beguiles.

The temperance advice was needful for men with their
heads generally under the wood ; but it is possible that it
has special reference to an incident which occurred at
Killin in the winter of 1605 or 1606. The bitterest
enemies are obliged to have at times recourse to truce ;
and the longer the conflict, the oftener, and more matter-
of-course-thing must truce become. Amidst the endless
feuds of the Highlanders, the days appropriated to the
honour of the district saints had been long observed as
seasons of truce — a fact which, from the protection afforded
to unrestrained intercourse, was principally the cause of the
religious days becoming everywhere the stated markets of
the kingdom. The Reformation, where it prevailed, no
doubt changed the current of men's thoughts, but in the
Highlands its immediate success was but partial and
superficial, and most of the customs springing from a

2l6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Roman Catholic source, which by long habit had entwined
themselves with the social being of the inhabitants, retained
their full vigour for another century ; and even in this year
of grace itself, traces by no means faint are met with in
certain localities. To St. Fillan, the Culdee Apostle of
Breadalbane, the pth of January (o. S.) had been dedicated.
The Fair of St. Fillans on that day still survives, as at
the period of our narrative ; but then, though the religious
ceremony had perished, its old sanctity as a day of universal
truce, on which foes and friends might meet in safety and
peace was supposed by the proscribed McGregors still to
exist, and to afford them all requisite protection. A party of
them, accordingly, made their appearance, headed by Ian
Dubk Gear, a cousin of the late chieftain of Roro. Notwith-
standing the immemorial custom, they were immediately
beset, and most of them taken or slain. John-dubh escaped,
after killing or wounding eight of his antagonists. He had
been for some time under hiding, and was accustomed to re-
ceive hospitality and concealment from a certain family in
Glenlochay, to whom he presented himself as usual, after the
affray. He was received with the usual kindness ; but as
the wife went out of the house to bring him, as she said, a
bowl of milk, her husband, an old man, a friend of
M'Gregor, told the latter to fly at once, for that among
those slain by him at Killin, in the late affair, was a friend
of his wife, and she had therefore determined to betray
him, and, instead of going for the milk, had gone in search
of her two sons, who would be willing agents in the plot, and
would kill him where he was, if he did not immediately
make his escape. Before the old man had well done telling
this to his guest, the young men entered the house with

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 217

arms to kill him, but he had been forewarned, and stabbed
them as they successively entered, and giving a mortal blow
to the mother, who was attemping to bar the door upon
him, rushed out of the house, exclaiming, " That is the way
a M'Gregor avenges breach of trust." He then fled to
Strathspey, where he was lucky enough to captivate the
affections of a young girl of good family, who abandoned
for a time friends and home for the sake of her daring out-
law. When sleeping in a barn, the couple on one occasion
received warning that an officer of the law and twelve
armed attendants were upon their track. But they ap-
peared so soon after the notice was received that they
could not fly. In this emergency, the young wife, who I
think is called Isabella in an old song commemorating the-
incident, showed herself worthy of her mate. He was well
provided with fire-arms, having a Spanish gun and a large
pistol or dag. The fair Isabella loaded as fast as John
could discharge ; so that between them the enemies quickly
measured their lengths on the ground or took to their heels.
In the joy of victory, John-dubh is said to have composed
and danced the famous " Tulaichean? or, as it is more
generally pronounced by strangers, the " Reel of Hullichin"
The old words are characteristic of a hardy outlaw, and
have much of that exuberance of feeling resulting from an
unexpected deliverance :

" O Thulaichean gu Bealaichean,

'So Bhealaichean gu Tulaichean ;

'S mur faigh sinn leann 's na Tulaichean

Gun oil sinn uisge Bhealaichean."
" From the knowes to the passes,

From the passes to the knowes ;

If we have no beer on the knowes

We have springs in the passes.'1

218 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

John-dubh having obtained remission for his misdeeds
became, it is said, an exemplary member of society ; and
most wonderful of all, if true, he and the fair Isabella were
progenitors of the Gregorian dynasty, which has given
Scotland upwards of twenty professors renowned in litera-
ture and science !

The Clan Gregor, stunned by the several calamities we
have endeavoured to enumerate, for four or five years dis-
appeared, as it were, altogether. But in 1610, they raised
their heads again under another band of leaders, who had
meantime come to maturity, and were resolved to avenge
their fathers. We summarise the following account from
the Black Book :—

" The King hearing of the great rebellion and oppression made again
by the Clan-Gregor in the year 1610, sent from England the Earl of
Dunbar, for taking order with them, and for settling peace in the
Highlands, as he had formerly done on the Borders. Among others
of the nobility and gentry, Sir Duncan Campbell was burdened to
pursue the Clan-Gregor, for rooting out of their posteritie and name.
The Earl of Dunbar, soon after this arrangement, retired to England.
And in the month of February, 1611, the Clan-Gregor, being straitly
pursued, betook themselves to the isle of Ilanbernak in Monteith ;
whereupon, the Secret Council employed Sir Duncan and other gentle-
men in the countries round about, to besiege them. Which being be-
gun, the siege was hastily raised through a severe snow-storm. When
Sir Duncan's people were returning from the siege, Robert, his second
son, hearing of oppression made by a number of the Clan upon his
father's lands, took three of their principal men ; and in the taking,
one was slain, the other two were sent to Edinburgh."

About this time the Earl of Dunbar died, and the King
charged by several commissions the Earl of Argyle and Sir
Duncan and their friends to pursue the Clan Gregor.
Whereupon the Council appointed a meeting to be held in

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 2IQ

Edinburgh of all the landlords. Sir Duncan being
among the rest, directed out of Edinburgh his son Robert,
and John Campbell son of the Laird of Lawers, who slew
the most special man and proud lymmar of them, called
John Dow M'Allaster in Stronfernan, and with him Allaster
M'Gorrie. Immediately afterwards, while Sir Duncan was
still abiding in Edinburgh with the rest of his sons and
friends, attending on the Secret Council, the Clan Gregor
burned the lands of Aberuquhill belonging to Colin
Campbell, Lawers' brother, the lands of Glenurchay, Glen-
falloch, Mochaster, in Menteith, and Culdares and Duneaves
in Fortingall, all belonging to Sir Duncan. And " in the
Cosche of Genurchay they slew fourty great mares and
their followers, with ane fair cursour sent to Sir Duncan
from the Prince out of London." From this time forth, the
Clan Gregor held themselves together to the number of six
or seven score men. But Sir Duncan returning, sent out
his son Robert and Colin Campbell of Aberuquhill to
pursue them, who followed them straitly through Bal-
quhidder, Menteith, and Lennox, and drove them to the
forest of Benbuie in Argyle. Here they slew Patrick
M'Gregor, son to Duncan in Glen, and took Neil, bastard
to Gregor M'Eane, with other five, whom they hanged at
the Cosche where they slew the mares. From Benbuie
they chased them to the mountains lying between Rannoch
and Badenoch, and so scattered them that they never met
again in greater numbers than ten or twelve. And from
the month of May in the same year, the service was followed
up by the Earl of Argyle and Sir Duncan and their friends,
during which time Sir Duncan and his sons took and slew
sixteen of the Clan Gregor.

220 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

At the time the Commissioners appointed by King James
were resolutely following out the commands of their master
to extirpate the Clan-Gregor and root out their posterity
and name, the wide Atlantic bore to the shores of England
the wailing cry of young Virginia, more than once repeated,
for succour in the shape of men, and men accustomed to
endure hardships and bear arms. The race that Scotland
insisted upon disowning would have been an acquisition
there. But we are wise in the retrospect, or after-hand ;
and he who shall set himself to describe and weigh our
country's total misapplication of resources may judge the
total ignorance of the barons of the seventeenth century
regarding the convenient outlet of emigration, less blame-
worthy, perhaps, and less hurtful to the honour and power
of Britain, than the too keen appreciation of it by their
successors in the nineteenth.

" In the month of October, 1615," says the Black Book, " the Laird
of Lawers passed up to London, and desired of his Majesty that he
would write to the Council, desiring the Council to send for the land-
lords of the Clan-Gregor, that they would grant a contribution of fifty
pound out of the merkland, and his Majesty would find a way that
none of the Clan-Gregor should trouble any of their lands nor possess
them, but that the landlords should bruik them peaceably. For
Lawers let his Majesty understand, that if his Highness would grant
him that contribution, that he would get all these turns settled, wherein
truely Lawers had neither power nor moyen to do it. The Council
wrote for the landlords, such as the Earl of Linlithgow, the Laird of
Glenurchay, the Laird of Weem, Alexander Shaw of Cambusmore and
Knockhill ; the rest of the landlords came not. The Chancellor in-
quired of them that were present if they would grant the contribution ?
which they all yielded to except Glenurchay, who said, he would not
grant thereto, seeing his Majesty had burdened him to concur with
the Earl of Argyle in the pursuing of the Clan-Gregor, because he
knew he would receive more skaith from the Clan than all the other

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 221

landlords. Thereafter the Council wrote to the landlords, and desired
them to pay the contribution, and his Majesty's wish was that it should
be given to the Laird of Lawers. Glenurchay refused, by reason that
he had never yielded to the contribution, and the rest of the landlords,
who were absent the first Council day that the contribution was
granted, refused in like manner. So the Laird of Lawers was disap-
pointed of the contribution. Glenurchay quarrelled the Laird of
Lawers and his brothers, that he should take such enterprises in hand
without his advice, seeing that he was the Laird of Glenurchay's
vassal and kinsman come of his house, and also his sister's son ; and
that when the house of Lawers would have wrecked in Lawers' father's
time, the Laird of Glenurchay took in his mother, his brothers, and
sisters into his house, and saved the house of Lawers from ruin and
wreck."

u In the month of December, 1615, the Laird of Lawers sought ane
suit of the Council for of entertaining three or four score of the bairns of
the Clan-Gregor, and desired the Council to burden the landlords with
the sum of two thousand merks in the month therefor. The Laird of
Glenurchay desired the Laird of Lawers and his brothers not to trouble
him with that suit, seeing they knew he had gotten more skaith of the
Clan-Gregor than all the subjects of the kingdom, and that he had
done more service to his Majesty than all the rest in oppressing of the
Clan-Gregor. Lawers refused that Glenurchay should have any cour-
tesy, but pay as the rest did for entertainment of the bairns of the
Clan-Gregor. For the which refusal, Glenurchay met with the land-
lords, such as the Earl of Tulliebardin, the Earl of Perth, my Lord
Madderty, and the rest of the landlords, and they took the burden
upon themselves for ane space to entertain the bairns, whereby Lawers
was disappointed of his two thousand merks."

" Thereafter the Earl of Argyle got of his Majesty the fines of the
receptors of the Clan-Gregor, and.the Laird of Lawers and his brothers,
for the time being daily waiters-on upon the Earl of Argyle, got the
fourth part of the fines to themselves. Glenurchay desired he and his
tenants, on account of the losses they had suffered, and the services
they had performed against the McGregors, should not be troubled
with these fines. Lawers and his brothers answered, they would grant
no courtesy to Glenurchay. Whereupon Glenurchay posted up to
London to his Majesty — where the Earl of Argyle was for the presen
— and declared to his Majesty how that his tenants, notwithstanding
their good service and great skaith, were pressed to be fined, which

222 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

his Majesty declared was no reason, and so wrote down to the Council,
desiring that none of Glenurchay's tenants or servants be troubled
with any of the foresaid fines. To conclude, the house of Lawers has
been very ungrateful to the house of Glenurchay at all other times."

Sir Duncan had rather a difficult part to act. His
severity to the Clan-Gregor placed the family of Glenlyon,
in direct opposition, and a pitiable scramble for the spoil
entangled him again in a vexatious quarrel with the proud
house of Lawers, whose heir was soon destined to blossom
into Earl of Louden. At loggerheads with the oldest
and most influential cadets of his house, Sir Duncan for a
while slackened in the pursuit, but he had talents to over-
come all opposition, and make enemies themselves the
tools of his severe, but, it must be admitted, enlightened
policy ; for latterly, at least, he represented the principle
of order struggling with class for the ascendency.

XXII.

IT would have been no difficult matter, from the abun-
dance of materials, to sketch the history of the
McGregors downwards from the point at which we have
broken off in last number — to show how, in the civil war,
they once more raised their head, and under Patrick Roy,
heir of Glenstrae, fought with loyalty so unflinching, and
gallantry so conspicuous, as to merit the warmest thanks of
the Marquis of Montrose, and obtain the written promise of
the restitution of their old possessions, as soon as his Majesty
was restored — to point out the sinister influence under which
the solemn pledge was left unredeemed by the ungrateful
Charles, and even the penal enactments revived, to reassure
the hearts of the white-washed rebels, who battened on the
spoil of the ruined clan — and to describe the firmness with
which, for a century or more after the Restoration, they clung
to clan-associations and hereditary traditions, in the face of
many inducements to the contrary, until at last the British
Parliament tardily abolished the Draconic Acts of King
James, and gave back to the M'Gregors the only thing it
then could — their ancient surname. But I am conscious of
having already digressed too far from the subject matter ;
and besides, no commingling of history, no close bonds of
connection with the family of Glenlyon, can be alleged as
an excuse for dragging in posterior like former events. We

224 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

shall therefore return to our old acquaintance, John Camp-
bell, seventh Laird of Glenlyon, and to the period in his
life at which we formerly left off— namely, the year 1714.

His eldest child, a daughter, was born that year; and
after the difficulties thrown around his early career by a
spendthrift father were so far surmounted, that he could
look his numerous creditors in the face, with the certainty
of being one day able to pay them all, he had the brightest
prospects of happy competence before him, sweet domestic
bliss, and the affection of a wide circle of friends, attached
to him far less by family alliance than the manly courage
and honest determination with which he met diminution
of fortune, and the severe pecuniary obligations incurred by
Robert the unfortunate. There is evidence that he actually
looked upon his position in this cheerful, hopeful frame of
spirit, and planned improvements on his property, and
sensible expedients for paying his debts ; when lo 1 a my-
sterious whisper breathed over the land, making men mad
with the insanity of longing undefined expectation, and the
sober John Campbell became the hot enthusiast, and, be-
fore all was over, experienced no less than Seged, Emperor
of Ethiopia, the futility of plans of pleasure, and man's in-
capacity to enjoy bliss unalloyed.

Queen Anne died on the ist of August, 1714. The
schemes projected for several years by Bolingbroke and his
party, abetted latterly by Anne, both from natural affection
for her brother and old hatred to the family of Hanover
for opening the succession to the Pretender, were dis-
arranged and precipitated by her sudden death. Presum-
ing upon the strength of the Jacobite party and the per-
sonal favour of the Queen, three or four leading statesmen

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 225

had proceeded too far to expect favour or mercy from the
Protestant successor, King George. Rather, therefore, than
face a trial for high treason, or at best sink into forced ob-
scurity and insignificance, these parties selfishly resolved
upon wrapping their country in the flames of civil war.
Their best excuse before the bar of history is that the King
acted in the emergency more like the intolerant head of the
Whig party than the constitutional monarch of Great Britain,
the common father of his people. They may have really
believed that the cold shade into which they themselves
had fallen too truely typified the real gift received by the
country in the Protestant and foreign dynasty. The chiv-
alrous principle that enlisted the Highlanders on the side
of the natural prince, can by no means be ascribed to the
party politicians Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Mar. Power,
wealth, and station, for themselves and families, formed the
magnum bonum of these men ; and though none of them
considered himself an Esau, silly enough to sell his birth-
right for a mess of pottage, yet each and all would probably
pledge honour and salvation for what George foolishly re-
fused, the sunshine of the Court, and ultimate hope of secur-
ing posts and pensions with a little liberty, as heretofore, to
sell the people and corrupt the Church. This rebellion is in-
deed incomparable for the meanness of underlying motives.
The superlative hollowness of the principals, painfully con-
trasted with, and everything than relieved by, the unthink-
ing bravery and instinctive loyalty of the poor deluded tools.
Mar dismissed from office, and finding the monarch de
facto looking coldly and suspiciously upon his tender of
allegiance and devotion, opened a secret correspondence
with the king dejure, retired to the Highlands, consulted

226 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

with the hottest Highland Jacobites at the famous " Deer
Hunt," and proclaimed the Chevalier de St. George at Castle-
ton of Braemar, Qth September, 1715.

The measure was not unexpected on the part of the
Highlanders. The subjoined note was written by Stewart
of Ballechin to the Laird of Glenlyon the 25th August of
the preceding year, and twenty-four days after the Queen's
death :—

"Ball: 25 Aug. 1714.

"SIR — I received ^18 Scots from yor servant, which I shall transmit
to my brother Robert by my son Charles, who I doubt not will send
hither Rob's obligation with thanks. As for news, I hear none save
what the prints give us. All is very quiet and peaceable, and every
man working at harvest and oyr lawfull employments, and no appear-
ance of the least Disturbance. I give my service to all yours, and am,
sir, your most humble servant, CHAS : STEWART."

John Campbell of Glenlyon, who had apparently been
anxious to plunge into rebellion in 1714, had in 1715 the
rather unenviable honour of being the man who attempted
to strike the first blow. As we shall have occasion to show
immediately, his success was not commensurate with his
enthusiasm, and the failure of the attempt was an omen of
ill augury to the side he espoused.

When the signs of the coming storm became too evident
to be longer misunderstood, the Government of King
George, induced by the pressing energy of Argyle, took
every prudent precaution to mitigate if not arrest its fury^
One of these was, to deprive the disaffected, by one home
thrust, of all their chief men, or if that failed, to drive them,
before being fully prepared, into a precipitate and ill-
concerted rebellion. Summonses were accordingly issued
to all the heads of the Jacobite Clans, and other suspected

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 22?

persons in Scotland, to appear at Edinburgh by a certain
day, in terms of a very stringent Act passed that year, to
find bail for their good conduct. "Iain G!as" the aged
Earl of Breadalbane, was among those summoned. He
found no difficulty in obtaining from the minister of Ken-
more (Alexander Comrie), of which parish he himself was
patron, a certificate, upon soul and conscience, that, from
age and infirmity, he could not be removed from his room,
far less undertake a fatiguing journey to Edinburgh. Not-
withstanding, the Earl was busy at the time mustering his
men, and, within a fortnight, joined the Earl of Mar at
Logierait ! The Breadalbane men, to the number of 500,
assembled about the middle of September, under John
Campbell of Glenlyon, and marched into Argyleshire. We
have formerly shown that the interests of the two great
branches of the Campbells often clashed since "Iain Glas"
succeeded to the headship of the younger or Breadalbane
branch. The hopes of obtaining the undivided leadership
of the Siol Diarmid, almost within his reach in 1685, had
never been given up by the wily "pale John." Many
gentlemen of the Campbells of Argyle had strong leanings
in favour of James and hereditary right; and though, since
the restitution of the Mac-Cailein-Mores to their honour and
dignities, not daring to offer active opposition, still by a
persevering exercise of the vis inertice> they more than once
weakened the hands of the chief. The state of affairs was
very well known to Breadalbane, who hastened to avail
himself of it by sending his men to Argyle, that his stan-
dard might be a rallying-point to the friends of James, and
consequent enemies of John, Duke of Argyle. It was an
attempt to rob Argyle of his following, and to deny at home

228 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

the principle of legitimacy, for which Jacobites publicly
contended.

Before marching, water off the " Clach-Buadh " was
sprinkled upon the men. When Glenlyon came to a cer-
tain man called M 'Calum, who appeared to shrink from
the shower of water with which the chieftain sportively
deluged him, the latter observed in jest, " Calum, you
tremble, you coward ! " "I do not tremble," replied
Calum angrily ; " but see you do not tremble. To
your father's son it would be a greater shame." Calum
M'Calum was a Glenlyon man, who for personal love to
the old family had joined the host, like several others, of
his own accord ; and before the campaign was over, he
proved satisfactorily that such service as he offered was
not to be bought with gold, and that he had come of a race
who never learned to " tremble."

Glenlyon marched into Argyle before Mar made a single
move. At the head of his 500 men, he penetrated through
the passes of that country without opposition. A few of
the Campbells joined him, but by no means the number
expected by Breadalbane. It was intended to occupy the
places of strength, overawe the districts purely Presbyterian,
and proclaim the Pretender at Inverary. Meantime, much
to the discomfiture of these plans, Colonel Alexander
Campbell of Fonab, sent by the Duke of Argyle, hastily
raised the militia of the county for the service of King
George, and brought up arms and ammunition from Glas-
gow. This experienced soldier, who learned his tactics
under William and Marlborough, allowed the rash Glen-
lyon to proceed without molestation into the heart of the
country, and then, by a skilful flank march, cut off his re-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 229

treat, and left him but the alternative of surrendering at
discretion, or of fighting under disadvantages tantamount
to the certainty of annihilation, giving no chance of inflict-
ing material injury upon the assailants. In these desperate
circumstances, Glenlyon insisted upon running the risk of
one attack, but was with difficulty over-ruled by John
Campbell of Achallader, Breadalbane's chamberlain, and
Campbell of Glendarule, who had been given to him by the
Earl for advisers or " Comhairl Taighe." Fonab was not
disposed to proceed to extremities. He had been the late
Glenlyon's companion-in-arms ; and whatever the world
thought of the commander in the massacre of Glencoe, he
had loved him as a brother, and as a brother had acted in
seeing him honourably buried at Bruges, and in settling his
perplexed affairs after his death. This generosity extended
to the impoverished family ; and we find that in 1703 he
had lent to the present Glenlyon, then in great straits, the
sum of 600 merks, which were repaid to Robert his son,
and his widow Mary Bailie, in 1736, several years after his
death. Besides the personal relation of the leaders, Fonab
was aware that many on his own side, who would not scruple
to fight well for King George in other circumstances, as the
chief willed it, were averse to draw their swords against
their brothers of the Siol Diarmid, and for the first time
sow the seeds of mortal dissension amidst the chief
branches of the surname. He therefore proposed that
Glenlyon would withdraw his men, promise on his honour
to abstain from injuring the inhabitants in his retreat, leave
the country and engage not to invade it again. These
terms were accepted, and both sides acted upon them
without delay. The issue was fortunate for Glenlyon,

230 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Before he crossed the borders of Argyle on his backward
march, the Duke's brother, the Earl of Hay, arrived at
Inverary from Edinburgh. This nobleman had exerted
himself strenuously for suppressing the progress of the re-
volt in the capital, was enthusiastically attached to Presby-
terianism and the Protestant succession, had talents of no
mean order, but exhibited little or nothing of the national
and clannish warmth of emotion, the patriotic and en-
lightened comprehensiveness of mind, the exalted senti-
ments and native unselfishness of his famous brother, John,
Duke of Argyle and Greenwich — qualities which rarely
meet in one person, and which, take him all in all, have
stamped the character of Argyle in Scotch affection as the
brightest historical legacy of that age of venal, treacherous
politicians, and selfish generals. Hay's prudence, on the
other hand, degenerated at times into low cunning, and his
policy as a public man was but cruelty and intolerance in
disguise. The conduct of Colonel Campbell incurred his
severe censure, and an attempt was made to intercept the
retreating band. Misfortune taught Glenlyon to retire
with more caution than he advanced, and Hay was baulked
of his object by finding that the tables were now turned,
and the disadvantage of position and communication, under
which the Breadalbane men first laboured, would be now on
the side of their assailants. The proposal was therefore given
up, and Glenlyon quietly reached the borders of the county,
where he remained for a few days to facilitate the assem-
bling of the western clans. The expedition was of eminent
service in this respect. Previous to Glenlyon's appearance
in the shire, Lochiel, Glengarry, and Appin, with several
subordinate chieftains, had been in correspondence with

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 231

the Duke's representative, Colonel Campbell, and showed a
strong inclination to remain true to their allegiance to the
house of Hanover. It is a strange incident, read in the
light of their past history and subsequent conduct, that the
royalist offspring of Black Sir Evan of Lochiel, and the
veteran Glengarry, who bore the banner of James at Killie-
crankie, should at this time waver in their fidelity to the
Stuarts. Such, however, was the case. They sent a mes-
sage to Colonel Campbell, assuring him " that if he could
promise them the Duke's friendship, they would, as soon
as they could, get their men together, march them to In-
verary, and join his (the Colonel's) men, who were in arms
for the King (George), and they themselves would go to
Stirling to wait on his Grace." The moment they heard of
the " Yellow Banner " being displayed, the good promises
to Colonel Campbell resolved into thin air, and they pre-
pared in all haste to espouse the other, and to them natural,
side. The former hesitation was chiefly owing to the fact,
that as the western and northern nobility had not joined
Mar, and as he and his principal adherents were not con-
nected by previous ties with the Camerons and M'Donalds,
these clans, narrowing the world to the circle of their tra-
ditions, shrank from trusting leaders of whom they knew
nothing, and whose banners were not mentioned in the
war songs of their bards. More prudential motives actu-
ated the chiefs — both were men who had seen the world,
and distinguished themselves as officers of the Duke of
Berwick. The ability of Breadalbane was long their dread
individually and collectively; his wisdom, or rather cunning
and foresight, had passed into a proverb ; through the
convulsions of more than threescore years he had both

232 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

maintained his hereditary influence, and greatly added to
it ; would he now risk all without the certainty of success ?
Where he forded, could they not swim ? The promptitude
of the old Earl was the spark needed to excite the con-
flagration. The Camerons and M 'Donalds thought of the
days of Montrose, Evan Dubh, and Dundee ; and at this
crisis it is said the personal influence of the chiefs could
not restrain their men from mustering under the banner of
the ancient foes of their fathers, if they themselves would
not lead them into rebellion as they desired.

Glenlyon, before leaving Argyle, saw Glengarry and
Glenmoriston encamped at Achallader, on the Braes of
Glenurchay, with 500 warlike followers. Shortly after-
wards they moved their camp to Strathfillan. From the
positions which they held, they completely covered the
passes to Breadalbane, Glenlyon, and Rannoch. Argyle
was completely sealed in. By the i8th October the Cap-
tain of Clanronald, Rob Roy, Stewart of Appin, Sir John
M'Lean, M'Dougal of Lorn, with their followers, and a
fresh levy of Breadalbane men, rendezvoused with the
clans at Strathfillan. From this they marched into Argyle,
and afterwards returning, joined the Earl of Mar on the
eve of the Battle of Sheriffmuir, 2,400 strong.

Leaving Glengarry at Achallader, the Laird of Glenlyon
marched down his native glen, and joined the Earl of Mar
at Logierait with all his men.

XXIII.

Sad or glad, the news I bear you
Claims a hearing, patient, long :
Though in France the Stuart tarries,
Our good blades should make him strong.
As for George, he is king of asses ;
By his gold he gained the crown.
And ere Whitsuntide shall pass us,
He must ware on German lasses
The regard Britannia scorned.

On Ardoch height, by break of dawn,
The clans were met in thick array ;
And by evening word had reached us
That the foe quite near us lay.
To Kinbuck we marched so fearless,
Where we passed the night in arms,
And the breeze was cold and cheerless ;
But the stacks of corn so peerless
Fed the flames to keep us warm I

On Sunday morn expecting fight,

The banners fluttered free,

And we threw off our tartain plaids,

Nor thought of kirk and bended knee.

The word, Advance, had passed the ranks,

And on we rushed with stern-knit brows

And ardent hope. The upper banks

With red-coats glitter. Heaven have thanks,

And deil takes him who is hindmost now.

M'Leans and M 'Donalds of old renown

Toss their proud symbols on high !

234 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Beside them the band of the yellow-striped banner,

Sent by Breadalbane to conquer or die.
The claymore is smeared with the heart-blood of foemen ;
And bayonet sharp,
By sinews stark,

Is driven home in the red-coat mark.
The centre reels and Whetham flies,
For those who fly not
Will never arise !

Alas ! they alone stemmed the tide of war,
Alas ! they alone gained the thanks of Mar,
And earned a bright name in climes afar.

Glengarry, you have well sustained
The fame your fathers aye obtained :

Warrior of the fearless eye,

And prince of hospitality !
Stern your voice rolled o'er the field

To check the useless sorrow :
Moydart bleeds upon his shield —
The glaive Glengarry fiercer wields —

" Revenge to-day, and mourn to-morrow. '
Now your head is bending low,
And the mournful teardrops flow
Over him, your cherished mate,
Who in the onset dree'd his fate —
The hawk that made the welkin ring —
The chiefest feather in your wing —
Best of friends and captain rare —
Great M'Allan's haughtiest heir !

Chiefs of Appin and Lochiel ;

Struan, from the fir woods wild,

Which Albyn's mountains bear ;
A passing smart's no lasting ill,
No sad disgrace your names defiled,
Though vanquished, still with courage rare,
'Gainst fate you almost backward bore
The signs of victory !

Another day the wheel may turn ;

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 235

Another day let vengeance burn ;
Another day the thirsty blade
Yon red-coat ranks will yet invade
And smoke in clotted gore—
A laoich mo chri.

Huntly's Earl has proud tramping steeds
And Huntly's Earl has men. hills, and meads ;

But Huntly's Earl

Is worse than a carl

If the name he enjoys, be not matched by his deeds !
Mercy and peace for the phantom wan,
Who lost a name as for life he ran !

But, Seaforth's Lord,

We can't afford

To hide thy shame, as the fate of the man
Will never atone for dishonouring the clan !

I must not omit what ought to be told :
Our loss would be gain had a captain bold

Led the van.

Oh ! for thy wisdom, Breadalbane old !
Had age given up her withering claim,
And restored thee one day, thy manhood's frame,

Thou wouldst be the man

To propose the right plan.

When coldly they stopped in the midst of the fray,
Thou would'st point to the red-coats and teach them the way

To pursue

Nor stop the halloo

Till they brushed them like dew

From the land.

Alhallows, protect the just heir of the crown :
Base might is triumphant, and right is borne down.
But Thomas the Rhymer — and sure is the tale —
Foretold that his cause over all must prevail.
By Clutha's fair stream — so our sires have us taught —
Shall the conflict be ended, the last battle fought j

236 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

When the sons of the Gael

The standard of Stuart will wave o'er the slain,

And England at last shall submit to his reign.

THE above is an attempt to put in a foreign dress a
song composed by a poetess of the M'Donalds, im-
mediately after the battle of Sheriffmuir. The translation
is necessarily very free, but the leading sentiments are re-
tained, and that serves our purpose of showing the feelings
of the Highlanders regarding the battle sufficiently well.
Huntly, who discouraged righting with Argyle at all, and
afterwards fled with the beaten wing of the rebels, is lashed
with bitterness. The Earl of Seaforth, who was with
Huntly in the broken wing, and afterwards escaped to
France, is treated much in the same way; but the chieftains
who attempted to rally the confused host, and, though re-
treating, disputed with Argyle every foot of ground be-
tween Dunblane and the river Allan, are consoled with the
hope of retrieving their credit " another day." The low-
land auxiliaries are passed over with contemptuous silence.
It is not only in this particular song, but in almost every
effusion of the Gaelic Jacobite muse, for nearly a century,
that a traditional prophecy of Thomas the Rhymer regard-
ing a great victory to be obtained by Highlanders or Scots
on the banks of the Clyde or Cluaith — or, as it is called in
Ossian, the Clutha — is appealed to as a certain ground of
hope for the ultimate triumph of the cause in which they
were engaged. This prophetic battle has not entirely got
out of the heads of some old Highlanders to this day,
though of course it is no longer connected with the Stuart
cause, I was amused, during the Crimean war, to hear

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 237

a veteran Celt growl out threateningly that the time for
Thomas' great battle was then at hand.

Glenlyon followed Mar throughout the whole campaign.
After spending much unnecessary time at Perth, the com-
mander-in-chief of the rebels at length resolved to march
against the royal forces mustering under Argyle at Stirling.
Mar's force, when he arrived at Perth, was abo.ut 5,000
men, composed chiefly of his own followers, the Atholemen
under the attainted Marquis of Tullibardine, elder brother
of the then Duke of Athole, and the Breadalbane men
under Glenlyon, with the Stuarts of Athole and Foss, the
Robertsons of Struan, the Menzieses of Weem, and Glen-
lyon men under Menzies of Culdares, the heir of the
Crowner, &c. The rebellion was in fact confined mostly
to the Highlands of Perthshire. If it could have been kept
for a time shut up in its own district, the rebellion would
have been crushed in the bud. The taking of Perth was
therefore of incalculable benefit to the Jacobite leader. He
secured the country behind him, quieting the natural fears
of his followers regarding their friends, wives, and children,
by holding the entrance to the district on the east and west,
for Glengarry and the western clans were known before then
to be encamped at Strathfillan. The seizure of Perth made
Mar, by the help of the rebels in the northern shires, who
were quickly on the march to join him, master of the
eastern coast from the Forth to Duncansbay Head. By this
time communication with France, from which they expected
succours, was safely open, and it wonderfully increased the
alacrity of the friends of James to join Mar, though the
hope thus entertained was completely frustrated by the
inopportune death of Louis XIV., and the accession of the

238 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

slippery Philip of Orleans to the regency. On the 5th
October, the brave veteran, Brigadier M'Intosh of Borlum,
with 500 men joined Mar at Perth. Next day, the
Marquis of Huntly arrived with 500 horse and 2,000 foot ;
and a few days thereafter, arrived successively the Earls
Marisehal and Seaforth, with strong reinforcements of horse
and foot.

Following the line of policy recommended by the prece-
dent of the war of Montrose, and imitated at a future period
by Prince Charles, from the Grampians as the base of oper-
ations, Mar conceived the project of extending his columns
across the Forth, and thence of sending a strong body over
the borders, to form a centre of agglomeration for the
Tories of England. He was, however, one of those men
whose minds could form bold plans in the closet, and with
adequate comprehensiveness forecast the destiny of nations,
but whose dilatory and timid conduct in the field betrayed
themselves and sacrificed their followers.

The Duke of Argyle informed himself of the deliberations
in the rebel Councils at Perth ; and, with the decisive ac-
tivity of his character, took the best plans to baffle them.
The captain of the expeditionary force was, however, a
match even for " Red John of the Battles," as the High-
landers called the Duke. Brigadier M'Intosh of Borlum,
with about 2,500 men, moved down to the coasts of Fife,
determined to break through the barrier of the Forth, in
spite of the Duke and his precautions. That, in the face
of such difficulties, he was able to carry this determination
into effect, shows of what achievements the army of Mar
was capable, if led by an energetic general. To Brigadier
M'Intosh and his bold band we shall have hereafter to

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 239

recur, as our old acquaintances, the Stewarts of Foss and
Athole, and the men of Glenlyon under their new master,
Menzies of Culdares, formed a considerable part of the
brave expeditionary force. In the meantime let us follow
Mar and the great body of the rebels.

No sooner had M'Intosh's detachment landed in Lothian,
than the Earl of Mar found it necessary at last to remove
from Perth, to divert Argyle from crushing the 1,500 or
i, 600 rebels who had broken through his ships of war,
perplexed and confounded himself by sham movements,
wearied out his soldiers by marches and counter-marches
leading to nothing, and in the end crossed an arm of the
sea sixteen miles broad in open boats, seized upon the old
citadel of Leith, more than threatened Edinburgh, and, as
a crowning climax to audacity, flung a bold defiance in the
teeth of the Commander-in-Chief of the royal army !

Mar broke up the camp at Perth on the 9th November,
and bivouacked that night with his forces at Auchterarder.
Early next morning he was joined by the western clans,
who had rendezvoused at Strathfillan, now under General
Gordon. Orders were issued on Saturday, the I2th, to
General Gordon and^ Brigadier Ogilvie, with eight squad-
rons of horse and all the clans, to march and take pos-
session of the town of Dunblane, while the main body was
to follow after them at a more leisurely pace. Mar was
not with the army that day, for he had gone to Castle
Drummond to confer with the old Earl of Breadalbane,
who, notwithstanding his infirmities, attempted to influence
the proceedings of the rebels, and to keep in the wake of
the army.

Finding that the royal army had crossed the Forth, and

240 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

advanced their columns to Dunblane, General Gordon
halted on the moor of Ardoch, and informed Hamilton,
who was coming up with the main body. The army being
drawn up in order of battle, near the Roman camp at Ar-
doch, guards were posted, and the men prepared to spend
the night there. General Gordon in the meantime marched
forward to Kinbuck with the clans, when the news of the
royal army being at Dunblane was confirmed, and he
accordingly fired the three signal guns, whereupon the
main body came up, and the whole men lay under arms
all night at Kinbuck, and formed early next morning,
fronting towards Dunblane.

Though within two miles of each other, the view was so
intercepted that neither army knew the disposition of the
other until they met almost face to face in battle array.
Mar had no intention to hazard all on the fate of a battle.
He called a council of war, and, notwithstanding the warn-
ing anticipation of Huntly and others, who thought the
sham movement of attempting to pass by Stirling Bridge
had already sufficiently answered the immediate object of
withdrawing the Duke's army from the Lothians, and leav-
ing the road open to Brigadier M'Intosh's detachment, the
ardour of the chiefs determined the resolution to fight.
No sooner was it announced to the ranks, than the men
enthusiastically threw their bonnets into the air and de-
manded to be led on.

The victory was doubtful, though the consequences were
quite decisive. Argyle with his right wing slowly forced
back the left wing of the rebels, commanded by Gordon,
Huntly, Seaforth, and several others. This advantage was
altogether owing to his having been able to outflank the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 24!

rebels, by leading his men across a morass, which the frost
of the preceding night had rendered passable. It took the
Duke three hours hard fighting to drive the Highlanders
back a distance of two miles to the river Allan, and so
little was it of a rout that within that space they en-
deavoured ten times to rally. The horse of the rebels
acted shamefully, confusing the whole army by inexplicable
blunders in taking up their positions in the morning, and
deserting the infantry, who fought admirably, during the
battle, and in such a panic, that neither the thought nor
power of rallying was left to them.

While Argyle was gaining this advantage over the left
of the rebels, their right had signally defeated his left under
General Whetham. The Breadalbane men under Glen-
lyon were brigaded with the M'Donalds. Glengarry, it is
said, looking over the array of his surname drawn up before
the battle, turned to Glenlyon and said bitterly, " Your
father has deprived me of the use of an arm " — alluding to
the massacre of Glencoe, which nearly extirpated that
branch of the McDonalds. " Of that," replied Glenlyon, " I
am sackless ; and the only rivalry I shall have with a
M'Donald is, which of us will best wreak on yon ranks to-
day the injuries of our King." Glengarry turned round
with a smile, grasped his hand, and begged to be allowed
to call himself his brother. When Moydart fell in the first
onset, the M'Donalds clustered around his body, and nearly
got all the brigade into confusion. Glengarry immediately
stepped forward flourishing his sword, and recalled the clan
to their duty, shouting above the din of battle, " Revenge
to-day, and mourn to-morrow."

Rae, the contemporary historian of the rebellion, thus

Q

242 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

recounts the victory of the rebel right, and the deeds of
the forementioned band that really gained that victory : —
" The left of the King's army had a far different fate ; for
as they were advancing to alter the situation of their front
according to the right (wing), they found a body of the
enemy's foot, which had been concealed in a hollow way,
to be just on their front and extending beyond the point of
their wing, the enemy's horse being still to their left, and
in condition to take them in flank. And at the very same
minute of time, when the right of his Majesty's army en-
gaged the left of the rebels, four hundred of the Earl ot
Breadalbane's men, and about two hundred of the clans —
making in all a confused body of 600 men — taking the sig-
nal from the fire of their left, fell on with incredible resolu-
tion upon the three regiments of foot which were on the
left of the royal army while they were forming. And
though they made all the resistance it was possible for
them to make in that situation, yet they were broken, and
a great many of them cut to pieces ; and those that were
not killed or taken were driven in among the dragoons,
and put them likewise into confusion. Had the cavalry
upon the right wing of the rebels fallen in at the same
time, the whole left wing of the royal army had been cut
off when it was not in the power of the rest of the foot to
assist them, they being advanced after the right wing to
support them, in pursuit of the left of the enemy. But so
it was, that the left of the King's army having made a home
charge on some of the enemy's squadrons which stood on
their flank, and carried off a standard, they stood all the
while looking on to our left without attempting to do any-
thing considerable.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 243

" The left of the King's army, commanded by General
Whetham, observing a great cloud of the Highlanders
break through the centre close by them, and gathering
apace, could make no guess of their number, they standing
so thick and confused, and intercepting their view, so as
they could neither hear nor see what was acted upon the
right, which the circular ground upon which the army stood
would of itself have impeded without any other obstruction,
and all communication or intelligence by aides-de-camp or
otherwise being intercepted, made them firmly believe that
the Duke and the right of the army were either entirely
beat, or at least surrounded by the rebels ; nor did they
find themselves in condition to resent or rescue them if it
had been so. And now finding the rebels endeavouring to
get behind them, and so either to march to Stirling or cut
off their retreat, and themselves in no condition to keep
the field, they retired at a very slow pace towards Dunblane,
and from thence to Corntown, at the end of the long cause-
way that leads to Stirling Bridge, where they arrived about
three in the afternoon."

The want of a commander who could seize on that deci-
sive moment when the line of Whetham yielded, ruined the
Jacobite cause. Mar's incapacity became conspicuous to
the meanest clansman, when no attempt was made at
massing together the different sections of the right, for one
concentrated effort of co-operation againt the retreating
royal regiments. Without command, without common ac-
tion, the clans stood astonished in the places to which they
were appointed at the beginning of the battle, and the
forces opposed to them being beaten back, knew not what
they should do next, There they stuck in armed battalions

244 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

on the top of the hill, and though, even as Wightman con-
fesses, they might have disarranged the Duke's victorious
right wing returning from chasing their comrades to the
river Allan, by rolling down stones from their post of van-
tage, the imbecility of the leaders so effectually counteracted
the warlike spirit of the clans, that they stood in helpless
amaze, like a man under a hideous nightmare, incapable,
though willing, to stretch out his arm to save himself from
the most loathsome destruction !

A ludicrous anecdote has been transmitted to us regard-
ing an honest man from Roro, Glenlyon, named Duncan
M'Arthur, which deserves mention. He and his nephew
had followed the banner of Glenlyon through the whole
campaign. The nephew's brogues had been worn through
by the time they reached Ardoch. Considering, perhaps,
everything fair in war, and that he who was not with them
was against them, he insisted upon stripping a well-shod
lowlander, who had the misfortune to encounter him at
that place, of his stout, comfortable-looking shoes, and of
giving his own tattered brogues in exchange. As the low-
lander resisted the polite offer, the fiery Gael made ready
to enforce the equitable barter vi et armis. Fortunately
for the possessor of the shoes, honest Duncan, the uncle,
came up by this time, and as he respected the laws of
meum and tuum somewhat better than the youngster, he
took the stranger into his protection, and under hrgh pains
and penalties, obliged his nephew to forbear. A momen-
tary laugh at the disappointment of the nephew, and sturdy
honesty of Duncan — known to the whole band for his
childlike simplicity, but who withal was not to be trifled
with, as he possessed thews and sinews to strike down

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 245

iniquity like an ox — and the incident passed from remem-
brance. But in the height of the battle, when Duncan had
warmed to the work, and knocked red-coats heels over
head at every blow, he raised his stentorian voice above
the clashing of swords, and shouted out, " Where is my
nephew ? He may get plenty of shoes now."

XXIV.

AT the request of the Northumberland rebels for a
body of infantry, as previously noticed, M'Intosh of
Borlum, with a force of about 2,500, was detached from the
main army at Perth, and descended to the coasts of Fife,
covered by some squadrons of horse under the command
of Sir John Areskine of Alva, the Master of Sinclair, and
Sir James Sharp, grandson of the Archbishop. The ex-
peditionary force had difficulties of the first magnitude to
encounter, and such as perhaps none in the rebel camp but
Brigadier M'Intosh would successfully undertake to sur-
mount. The royal fleet anchored at the mouth of the Firth,
and cruisers and custom-house smacks incessantly scoured
from point to point, and removed to Leith all the boats
they found, pursuant to orders from the Commander-in-
Chief. Argyle, with his forces, lay ready to take them up
should they by any accident escape the fleet ; for Mar had
been in this, as in all other matters during the rebellion, a
day behindhand. The movement on Stirling, which was
calculated to draw off Argyle from molesting M'Intosh, had
been executed only after the latter had effected the passage
of the Forth. A feint was made to embark at Burntisland,
while under cover of night (i2th October), the main body
secretly embarked in open boats at Pittenweem, Crail, Elie,
and other places on the coast. The fleet, having espied

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 247

the embarkation, weighed anchor ; but the wind was in
favour of the rebels, and the greater number landed on the
south coast. One boat with 40 men was captured, and
others were driven upon the Isle of May, from which they
got back to the coast of Fife next night. In all about
1,600 effected the passage; and though but a small
body, the fame of the leader, the courage of his followers —
who were all picked men — and the success with which
they accomplished the passage of the Forth, augured well
for the cause in which they had embarked, and wonderfully
revived the hopes of the rebels, whose spirits had been
drooping under the inactivity of Mar, and the divided
councils in the camp at Perth.

The first night they rested at Haddington ; but next
day, instead of marching southward to join Derwentwater
and his friends in the north of England, as intended by
their leaders, and expected by every person, they suddenly
faced about and marched for Edinburgh. It was one of
those moments in which the authority of the chiefs, far
less the military obedience to which they had never been
accustomed, failed to check the instinctive impulse of the
Highlanders.

Among the many causes conducive to the eccentric
movement, was the Highlanders' traditional respect for
Edinburgh as the capital of Scotland. What Delhi is, or
was, to the Hindus, " Auld Reekie " was to the rebels —
the city of sacred recollections, the seat of the tribunals,
which they feared even while they disobeyed them, the
abode of their ancient kings, from St. David downwards,
and until recently the place of the national legislative
assembly. It is not to be forgotten that the avowed object

248 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

of the rebellion was twofold — the restoration of the Stuarts
and the repeal of the Act of Union, which from the first
had been distasteful to a large section of Scotchmen, and
was by this time reprobated nearly by all. The passage in
the manifesto issued by Mar and the leading rebels at the
commencement of the struggle, bearing upon the subject
of the union, gave expression, in well chosen words, to the
feeling generally prevalent among their countrymen, and
gratified the honest but blind patriotism which sheltered
itself behind ancient associations and time-honoured pre-
judices : — " Our fundamental constitution has been entirely
altered and sunk amidst the various shocks of unstable
faction ; while in the searching out of new expedients, pre-
tended for our security, it has produced nothing but daily
disappointments, and has brought us and our posterity
under a precarious dependence upon foreign councils and
interests, and the power of foreign troops. The late un-
happy union y which was brought about by the mistaken
notions of some, and the ruinous and selfish designs of
others, has proved, so far from lessening and healing differ-
ences betwixt his Majesty's subjects of Scotland and
England, that it has widened and increased them. And it
appears by experience so inconsistent with the rights,
privileges, and interests of us and our good neighbours and
fellow-subjects of England, that the continuance of it must
inevitably ruin us, and hurt them ; nor can any way be
found out to relieve us and restore our ancient and in-
dependent constitution, but by the restoring of our rightful
and natural king who has the only undoubted right to reign
over us."

The Highlanders who crossed the Forth interpreted these

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 249

declarations more strictly than Mar, who probably used
them as convenient claptrap, ever intended. If they had
succeeded in effecting a permanent footing in the capital —
a thing that was fairly within the range of probability, had
the main army at Perth been sooner on the march and led
by an enterprising General — the Scottish Parliament would
have been revived, and the Stuarts legislatively restored to
their ancient kingdom of Scotland. This, though far from
an actual restoration, would be a fiction calculated, in the
temper of the times, when the strength of prejudices under
the force of clique and unionistic suppression had acquired
the virulence of concentrated poison, both to give immediate
eclat and consistency to the cause, and put the ultimate
issue upon a greater footing of equality. It proved a
providential mercy to the British nation, that James's
advisers did not at that critical period rest their claim upon
the nationality question pure and simple. True blue
Presbyterians, such was the feeling then, would risk, for a
dissolution of the union, and a total separation of the king-
doms, the advantages of the Protestant succession, and
take their chance of wrangling afterwards with a Stuart
King of Scotland about religious privileges, rather than
consent to be sacrificed (as in the Darien affair) to England's
merchants, and in the legislature to be swamped (as on the
Patronage Act) by England's commoners and peers.

There is no doubt the Highlanders had also been deluded
into taking this unexpected step by the false representations
of the Edinburgh Jacobites, who waxed confident in their
hopes of success through the absence of Argyle at Stirling,
the unprotected state of the city, and the Jacobite predilec-
tions of the mob. The Provost, John Campbell, was, how-

250 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

ever, a staunch Protestant, and took his measures for
opposing the attempts of the rebels with prudence and fore-
sight. He ordered the city guards, the trained bands, and
associate-volunteers, to their respective places, for guarding
the internal peace of the city, and defending it from the
enemy. On the day the Highlanders were marching upon
the city, the volunteers issued a "Resolution" which would
have done no discredit to Louis Napoleon's fire-eating
Colonels, wherein they " protested and declared, before
God and the world, that it was their unanimous and hearty
resolution, by the blessing of God, and the assistance of
such of their honest neighbours as God should inspire with
the same sentiments, whether fewer or more, under whatso-
ever discouragements, to defend the city against the rebels
to the utmost extremity." The Lord Provost, very wisely,
did not choose to commit the safety of the capital to the
untried valour of the associate volunteers. On the morning
of the 1 4th October, by the time the Highlanders were
leaving Haddington for Edinburgh, an express was de-
spatched from the latter city for Stirling, to inform Argyle
of the threatened advent of the rebels, and to demand a
detachment of regulars to support the loyal citizens.

Mar still slumbered at Perth, and had as yet made no
demonstration whatever to molest the Duke's front, or
draw off his attention from the detachment of rebels in the
Lothians. On receipt of the Provost's message, Argyle,
with his customary promptitude, marched at the head of
300 dragoons, and 200 picked infantry mounted on country
horses for expedition's sake, to the relief of the capital.
By ten at night the relieving force entered the West Port,
"to the unspeakable joy of the loyal inhabitants." Argyle

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 251

was joined immediately after by the horse militia of Lothian
and Merse, and a crowd of armed volunteers, who, with
their commanders the Marquis of Tweeddale and Lord Bel-
haven, fled to Edinburgh before the rebels.

The rebels, marching from the east, were within a mile
of Holyrood, when the Duke and his reinforcements entered
the city. An exaggerated report of the Duke's arrival with
his main army brought them speedily to a halt. After a
Council had been called, they hastily marched to the right
and entered Leith. They broke open the Tolbooth, and
rescued the 40 men captured in the boat while crossing the
Firth. A quantity of brandy and other provisions were
seized in the custom-house, but private property enjoyed
every immunity at the hands of these so-called robbers of
the North. Leith was an open town without fortification :
but an old square fort, called the citadel, built by Oliver
Cromwell, had been left standing, though without gates, or
any protection from assault, beyond what was afforded by a
dry ditch half-filled up, and ramparts crumbling under the
effects of time. Here the rebels posted themselves, and
mounted upon the old walls pieces of cannon, which they
had audaciously seized by hoarding the ships in the harbour.
In the same manner, quantities of ammunition, and what-
ever else was necessary for the defence, had been provided.
That evening was so actively employed in fortifying the old
citadel, that next morning it was found by the Commander-
in-Chief to be a very respectable place of strength in the
hands of the audacious spirits who then held it.

Argyle, who had been equally active in preparing for an
assault, led down his forces early next morning. The
numbers on both sides were nearly equal ; but though

252 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Argyle had the advantage of leading 500 regularly trained
soldiers, the majority of his troops, consisting of the militia,
new levies, and volunteers, were in nothing except in framing
bold resolutions, to be matched with the hardy sons of the
north. Even their ministers, armed to the teeth, failed to
animate the associate-volunteers. Argyle, however, sum-
moned the rebels to lay down their arms and surrender,
declaring that if they obliged him to bring cannon to force
them, and any of his men were killed in resisting, he would
grant no quarter. David Stewart of Kynachin, Foss, a
descendant of that Stewart of Garth who, in spite of all
James IV. could do, had burned Castle Menzies in 1502,
and made Sir Robert Menzies a captive, replied resolutely
to the arrogant summons of the herald, "that as to sur-
rendering, such a word was not in their native language,
and they laughed at it ; and as to bringing cannon, and
assaulting them, they were ready for him. As to quarter,
they would neither take nor give any quarter with him ;
and if he thought he was able to force them, he might try
his hand.'1 The duke was by this time within 200 paces of
the citadel, and the enemy's balls were grazing among his
horse's feet ; and rinding that the fort could not be carried
without great loss, and "being unwilling to expose the
brave gentlemen-volunteers to such danger (the life of one
of whom was worth ten of the enemy), he retired to
Edinburgh in the evening, to make farther preparations
for dislodging the enemy on the morrow." Such is the
account of the loyal historians, but the Highland version
differs considerably. According to the latter, Argyle was
obliged to retire on account of the universal dismay of his
soldiers, and especially of the bold gentlemen-volunteers

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 253

whose courage in presence of the enemy oozed out at their
fingers'-ends. A ludicrous panic undoubtedly seized upon
the loyal host in the retreat, and their ranks being all con-
fused and lost, a panting mob, and not an army, found
refuge within the city gates. The incident, which is well
established, confirms the rebel account, and gives edge to
the coarse joke of the Highlanders, that " the men of the
cloak^ and bawbee could that night make a fortune in
Edinburgh " — alluding to a rude substitute for sanitary
conveniences anciently known in "Auld Reekie."

Before leaving their position in Leith, the rebels sent an
express across the Firth to Mar, for hastening his march
to Stirling ; but the Earl fatuously delayed putting his
army in motion, and the detachments sent to Dunblane for
making a demonstration were driven back to Perth from
fear of an attack by Argyle, a few days after the rebels
abandoned Leith.

Some hours after the Duke's forces retired, the rebels
left the citadel of Leith, and, under cover of night, marched
to Seaton Castle, seven miles from the city. The Duke,
enraged at their escape, made immediate preparations for
besieging them in their new position, but was called off
from the undertaking by the sham movement of Mar's
detachments to Dunblane, which necessitated his return to
Stirling with the greater part of his forces.

He left, however, Colonel Ker, with some troops and
the gentlemen-volunteers, with orders to attack Seaton
House, but the moment the gallant horsemen appeared, a
party of Highlanders marched out of the castle and formed
in order to receive them, and so the party from Edinburgh,
thinking, as at Leith, that the better part of valour was dis~

254 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

cretion, wheeled round and returned to the city. On the
following morning (Monday, the i/th October), Lord
Torphichen and the Earl of Rothes made a similar attack,
and with similar results.

The Highlanders liked their new position too well to be
in any hurry to leave it. Their foraging parties brought in
provisions in abundance, and never had the ceathairnich a
better opportunity for driving creachs, and the opportunity
was very well used. On the iQth, however, they left Seaton
House for England, in accordance with despatches received
from the Earl of Mar, and a pressing letter from Mr.
Forster, to join at Kelso or Coldstream, without delay, the
small body of rebels v/hich had been raised in Dumfries by
Lord Kenmure. General Whitman followed the High-
landers with his horse, but did little damage beyond captur-
ing a few stragglers. The Northumberland rebels were
also on the March to Kelso at the time the Highlanders
left Seaton, and the three bodies formed a junction in that
town upon the 22nd October. The Scots cavalry mustered
at Kelso paid the Highlanders the well-merited compliment
of going out to meet them, and of escorting them, amidst
general enthusiasm, into the town. The Earl of Kenmure
assumed the command of the army, which now amounted
to 1,500 foot and 600 horse.

XXV.

AT Kelso, Brigadier M'Intosh was superseded by Lord
Kenmure as Commander-in-Chief, of the expedi-
tionary force, now recruited by the junction of the Border
and Northumberland Jacobites. The Highlanders took
the change of commanders, and the comparative insignifi-
cance into which they themselves had fallen in the presence
of the southern horse, and the proud and high-bred cavaliers
of England, whose haughty overbearing conduct was on
the occasion but ill-supported by the number of followers
they brought to support the common cause, in high
dudgeon ; and it needed but a spark of contention among
the leaders to light up a general conflagration. That was
soon supplied. Being informed that General Carpenter, at
the head of a royal force, was on the march to surprise them
at Kelso, Kenmure called a council of war to consider and
determine as to the course proper to be pursued. The
Earl of Winton and Brigadier M'Intosh, supported by
Menzies of Culdares, Stewart of Kynachin — in fact, by all
the Perthshire chieftains — proposed, as there were no hopes
of a rising in England, and as, in the absence of such hopes
it would be madness, with a handful of men, to cross the
borders, to march back by the western coasts, attacking
Dumfries and Glasgow on the way, and, joining the Jaco-
bites in these parts, cross the Forth above Stirling/or'else
send the Earl of Mar word that they would fall upon the

256 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Duke of Argyle's rear while he fell on the front. It was
lucky for the establishment of peace in Scotland that the
plan was thwarted. The battle of Dunblane could scarcely
have been what it was with M'Intosh's Highlanders pressing
on Argyle's rear ; and the Duke's army defeated, the Stuart
cause might gain an ascendancy in Scotland dangerous to
the existence of Great Britain as a united kingdom. The
spirit of the border mosstrooper survived in the southern
horse ; they shouted for a march or raid into England.
The English rebels strenuously supported the same counsel,
and showed, that, by crossing the Tweed, Carpenter and
his forces could be easily surprised, and the English
Jacobites would flock to them in thousands. The council
finally determined upon marching into England; but the
opposition of the Highland gentlemen was only overborne
for a time, to break out anew under a more dangerous
aspect. On the 29th October, they marched to Hawick ;
and the Highlanders, understanding from their leaders that
they were being led into England against their will and
advice, broke out into open mutiny. They separated them-
selves from the rest, took up a station on Hawick Moor,
piled their arms, and declared they would fight the enemy
in their own country, but would not leave their wives and
children defenceless to go for other people's purposes into
England. Upon this dispute, the horse surrounded the foot
in order to force them to march south, whereupon the
Highlanders cocked their firelocks and said, "If they were
to be made a sacrifice, they would choose to have it done
in their own country." " 'Tis agreed (says the historian
Rae) that while in this humour they would allow none to
come to speak to them but the Earl of Winton who had

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 257

tutored them in this project, assuring them, as indeed it has
proven in part, that if they went to England they would be
all cut in pieces or taken and sold for slaves" It was at last
agreed they would keep together as long as they stayed in
Scotland ; but upon any motion of going for England they
(the Highlanders) would return back. Upon this under-
standing they continued their march to Hawick.

At Hawick, means were found to persuade more than
one half of the Highlanders to march into England, but
the rest would neither bend to persuasion nor force, and
returned home to their mountain fastnesses, in disgust at
the incapacity of titled leaders, and the supineness of the
fat English. Many of them were taken prisoners by the
way ; but those who escaped spread such unfavourable
accounts of matters in the south, as greatly weakened the
hands of the Pretender's friends, and accelerated the aban-
donment of their designs.

The rebels crossed the borders upon the ist November,
and arrived the same day at Brampton, where Mr. Forster
opened his commission, by which he was appointed to act
as their general in England. On the 2nd they marched to
Penrith. Here they met (or rather they did not meet, for
they dispersed in consternation before the dreaded High-
landers came in sight) the posse-conntatus of Cumberland.
The wonderful magic of a name was never better illus-
trated : 12,000 stalwart English yeomen would not face as
many hundreds of the gaunt, grim warriors of the north.
The route was pursued without much molestation, by easy
marches, to Preston, whence Stanhope's regiment of dra-
goons and another of militia retired without striking a
blow. This was the limit of success. Regular forces, pre

258 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

posterously out of proportion with the handful against
which they were marching, gradually enclosed the rebels
in a network of steel. General Willis, with six regiments
of foot, attacked the town in two places on the I2th
November, and was repulsed by the rebels with consider-
able loss. General Carpenter arrived next morning wfth
three other regiments of horse. The town, not very tenable
by a larger force, was completely invested. The High-
landers had no artillery ; and abhorring to be as they said,
worried like foxes in a " garraidh" they resolutely pro-
posed to cut their way through the royal host, or perish in
the attempt. Forster, however, offered to surrender at
discretion ; and the Highlanders, deserted by their English
allies, were, after much difficulty, over-ruled, and the whole
gave up their arms and were imprisoned — the common
men at Chester and Liverpool, and the leaders and chiefs
sent to London, and conveyed through the streets to the
Tower and Newgate, with their arms pinioned as male-
j'actors.

The Highlanders went to England at the pressing solici-
tations of English Jacobites. They had been promised at
Hawick, that, as soon as they crossed the border, 20,000
men would flock to their banner. How was the promise
fulfilled ? They traversed the counties of Cumberland and
Westmoreland without obtaining a single recruit. A few
common people joined them in Lancashire, but not a man
of family and influence. The Earl of Derwentwater was
not imitated by his compeers. Look at the Stuart papers ;
how much was expected from England ? how little from
Scotland ? It is plain the rebellion of 1715 had been
planned in England, and its infancy fostered by an ultra-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 259

English Cabinet. The raising of the Braemar standard, and
simultaneous gathering of a mighty host, were Scotland's
response to the bold plots of Bolingbroke and the timid
wiles of Harley. True, when the Highlanders crossed the
border, Oxford was in disgrace and Bolingbroke in exile >
but where were the southern Jacobites — the strong faction
that had ruled England for the previous four years ?
Where the phalanx of Lords and Commons, who, from the
8th August, 1710, when Godolphin and the Whigs were
dismissed, to the ist August, 1714, when Argyle burst upon
the dismayed and irresolute Council of incipient traitors to
crush treason in the bud, had been paving, as it were, in
their shirt sleeves, the road of restoration for the Stuarts ?
Where the learned doctors who taught passive obedience
and non-resistance, and proved the hereditary indefeasible
right of the Chevalier de St. George as easily and satis-
factorily as the first problem in Euclid ?

It is an ascertained fact that England of modern days
shows, on entering upon momentous affairs, more of the
spirit of Athelstane the Unready than of the fiery race of
Normandy. The aristocracy were generally high-preroga-
tive and high-church at heart ; but their heavy pledges to
fortune prevented them from joining in a rebellion, the
success of which was not beyond the caprice of chance.
They could not, in a civil war, bring the same material
support, at a moment's warning, to the side they espoused,
as the poorest peer in Scotland — the beggarly Lovat, for
instance — because in England there was a sharp distinction
of classes, and the clannish spirit which bound high and low
in common sympathies had never been known. The
sensible middle classes in England, in this very quarrel, sup-

260 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

ported with uniform heartiness the cause of civil liberty and
of the Protestant succession ; while the lowest classes cared
not a straw who gained or lost, provided they saved their
" own bacon."

Lord Bolingbroke's plans were astutely laid, but seem-
ingly the extent of his wisdom led him astray. For the
ultimate safety of British liberty, kind Providence ordained
he should have been a diligent and discriminating student
of history. He knew the nature of his countrymen too
well to expect a restoration, except through the bloodless
and constitutional way of parliamentary sanction. He was
taught by the history of the preceding century, that the
continuity of the absolute monarchy to be founded on such
a restoration could be guaranteed only on the condition of
melting down and recasting the national character. He
prepared with singular audacity to bring both results
about ; the first, by constituting the high-prerogative party
the ruling mind of the country, through a strict Tory Parlia-
ment, which had been suddenly changed from a triennial
to a septennial lease of existence ; the second, by shutting
the door of public office and employment, through the
revival of the Sacramental Test, upon the friends of liberty
and true representatives of Covenanters and Puritans,
and by a series of measures, either passed or proposed
to be passed, by which the governing body should ex-
clusively belong to the Church of England, and by which
that Church should henceforward and for ever become the
slave of a Popish monarch, or his sceptic satrap. Scotland,
too, entered into his comprehensive schemes of universal
subjugation. The Scottish nobles, with a few exceptions,
hated the blue banner of the Covenant like the " gates of

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 26 1

hell." But when Presbyterianism triumphed in spite of
them, they found it expedient to court the object of hatred
and recent persecutions ; the sons and grandsons of per-
secutors sat in the Assembly of 1710 ; but soon titled
names diminished and gradually disappeared, till in a very
short period only a few empty ones (empty names, for the
owners seldom attended), as at present, remained to grace
the roll of membership. Why was this ? Well, that last
very patriotic ministry of Queen Anne, by two cleverly
devised measures, released the gentry from unpleasant
Presbyterian parity, and gave them the power, as of yore,
to " lord it over God's heritage." The Act of Toleration,
passed in 1711, extended valuable privileges, and afforded
a legal footing to the semi-popish Episcopal Church, which,
as a more exclusive and aristocratic religious community,
and as the champion of those ideas palatable to feudal pride
and Jacobitical leaning, gathered at once into its folds the
Toryism of Scotland. It was not in any way an act of
homage to the rights of conscience — (conscience and
Scottish Episcopacy could scarcely be spoken of in the same
breath ; as it was a pariah of the State from the beginning) —
the infidel secretary had no such word in his vocabulary,
but a home-thrust at the political influence of the Church of
Scotland. This blow was immediately followed by another
still more fatal. "The next step taken by this Tory
Parliament, against the Established Church of Scotland,
was, to restore Patronage, thus depriving the people of
their just power of choosing and calling their own ministers,
and lodging that power in the hands of the Patrons of the
several parishes, with a view to fill up the vacancies with
such as might afterwards serve their designs in case of a

262 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

new revolution ; to give them an opportunity to keep the
livings in their own hands ; or to employ them for the
support of Jacobite Conventicles ; which 'tis known they
actually did in many parts of the nation ; and to irritate
the people against the Church for yielding to that which
they cou'd not help, and wou'd fain had stopped."

Such were the cool, far-seeing projects by which the re-
habilitation of hereditary right was to be made conditional
upon casting the future mind of Britain in a Helot mould,
and upon drugging the springs of religion with the specifics
of state policy, to make it subserve the minister or monarch
of the day. Everything was in train for a legislative restora-
tion ; but lo ! Anne dies, and the splendid conspiracy bursts
like a soap bubble ; and the daring plotter sees the pro-
jects rife with plagues for his country fail to bring about
his primary object, quarrels with the prince on whose
behoof he sold himself to evil, returns again to live under
the safeguard of the constitution he half-subverted, and,
after a life of vicissitudes, unfortunate for himself, and
detrimental to his country, dies well deserving, by his
infidel works, published by Mallet after his death, the un-
forgotten censure of Johnston — " He was a villain and a
coward, sir ; a villain, for charging a blunderbuss against
morality and religion ; and a coward, for not daring to fire
it off, but leaving a shilling to a beggarly Scotchman to do
it after his death."

But let us turn to the encaged dupes of the English con-
spirators. The word was, " Behead and quarter ; hang
and slay." Menzies of Culdares, against whom a billa vera
had been found, after a pretty long imprisonment, was
pardoned on account of his youth, being under 21. The

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 263

other officers and chiefs were not so fortunate, several of
them being put to death. The common men got seven
years' penal servitude in the colonies. The Glenlyon men
were mostly sent to Maryland, from which few ever re-
turned. There is an authentic story told of one of them
which is worth recounting.

John M'Intyre, Moar, Glenlyon, was betrothed to a young
woman before he joined the rebels. Being taken at Pres-
ton, he was sentenced to seven years' transportation with
his companions. When made aware of his fate, he managed
to send word to his betrothed, that he would return, if
alive, when his term expired ; but that if he did not come
home at the end of the eighth year, she might conclude he
was dead. The Maryland planter whose bondsman he be-
came was a hard taskmaster; he stated afterwards, that
he received more kindness from a negro slave who was his
fellow- workman than from any person of his own country and
colour in America. When his time was nearly out, while
he and this negro were working in the wood, one of the
planter's horses was killed by the falling of a tree. M'Intyre
was adjudged to an additional year's servitude. Meantime
his betrothed counted the days, and awaited their expiry
with some apprehension, as, after much solicitation, she
had been obliged to promise her friends, who did not ap-
prove of her fidelity, to accept of another suitor for her
hand if MTntyre appeared not at the time he had set him-
self. The eighth year passed over her, and no word of the
exile. She still delayed, and put off, till the family
council would bear it no longer; and so, well on in the
ninth year after the rebellion she yielded obedience, and
the night of "ceanghall" with the new suitor was ap-

264 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

pointed. No one more strongly advised her to obey her
friends than M'Intyre's widowed mother, who considered
her son dead by this time, or despaired, if alive, of ever
seeing him again. The widow, however, did not appear
at the " betrothal," as she promised ; and the reluctant
bride, glad of the opportunity of escaping for a while, in-
sisted upon going to see what hindered her. The old woman
told her a beggar had asked for hospitality, and she was
obliged to keep at home to entertain him. It was im-
mediately proposed by the bride to invite the beggar and
his entertainer both to the " ceanghall " feast. With this
purpose, going into the hut to address him, she discovered
to her great delight her old betrothed in the stranger, who
had struggled home to claim his bride ; but finding her
on the point of marrying another, hesitated to reveal who
he was, till thus accidentally unmasked by the eye of affec-
tion. It was not yet too late. The new suitor was dis-
carded, and the old one installed in his place ; and long
and happily lived together the faithful couple that made
" love the lord of all."

XXVI.

JOHN CAMPBELL of Glenlyon took such a conspicu-
ous part in the rebellion of 1716, that on the collapse
thereof he had to leave the country. With Struan and other
acquaintances he succeeded in escaping to France. He
remained for some years in the neighbourhood of Bordeaux,
where he lived under the name of " John Smith." Had he
been caught red-handed after the battle of Dunblane, he
would, no doubt, have been put to death, as he was the man
who first took up arms and invaded the loyal county of
Argyle ; but when the fear and vindictiveness of the
Hanoverian dynasty had time to diminish, influences were
brought to bear on the Ministry and on the Court in favour
of the escaped rebels, which in most instances proved suc-
cessful. The Duke of Argyle used all his power to get
Glenlyon and his neighbour, the " Elector " of Struan, free
pardons. The Breadalbane influence also was now strong,
and it was strongly used on Glenlyon's behalf. "Pale
John," the first Earl of Breadalbane, was by this time
dead. He was succeeded by his second son, John, Lord
Glenorchy, who was a strong Hanoverian. His eldest son,
Duncan, Lord Ormelie, was set aside because of his imbe-
cility. They were both the sons of the first earl, by his
first wife, Mary Rich, daughter of the Earl of Holland,
who lost his life for his loyalty to Charles I. Duncan's

266 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

weakness was so apparent, that when the title of earl was
conferred on his father by Charles II., the patent itself
contained a clause for setting him aside. He lived for
many long years, after his brother's succession to estates
and titles, in the care of a man of the name of M'Intyre, at
Killin, where he said many sharp things, and did many
foolish acts. M'Intyre himself was a character in his way.
He was nick-named Curam-an-t-saoghail or " Care-of-the-
world." The estate of Breadalbane was at this time under
trust to save it from forfeiture, as well as to pay creditors.
The new earl was therefore poor enough, but being loyal
to the Whig Government, he exercised considerable influ-
ence in his own region, and his son, Lord Glenorchy, by his
marriage with the heiress of the Duke of Kent, obtained a
footing at Court, and among the English nobility, which
he kept to the end of his long life, although he quickly lost
his heiress wife, who died in giving birth to a daughter,
afterwards the Marchioness of Grey. Thanks to the efforts
of his powerful clansmen, John Campbell of Glenlyon was
allowed, in the course of a few years, to return to his home,
as if he had not rebelled at all. During his exile his wife
and family were not interfered with. He constituted
Duncan M'Gregor of Roro, who called himself " Duncan
Campbell," his negotiorum gestor, or factor, during absence.
Money was regularly remitted to him, and his wife managed
matters so well at home, that he had really on his return
great cause to be thankful. It is, however, by quarrels
between himself and Duncan M'Gregor his factor, that we
can prove he returned home before 1722. On his coming
back he proceeded forthwith to build Glenlyon House, for
which he got timber from the sawmill at Roro. The estate

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 267

of Roro is now bare enough of timber. But it had then so
much of it that it kept a sawmill going. The superiority
of Roro had by this time been acquired by the Earl of
Breadalbane, who also had a mortgage upon the lands of
the vassal McGregors of Roro. The McGregors opposed
the delivery of the timber to Glenlyon ; and so we find the
Breadalbane Trustees thus writing "to John Campbell,
younger, of Roro," who was of course the younger
M'Gregor : —

" SIR — the delivery of the sawmill cut stocks and made deals at
Roro to Glenlyon, has been verrie long1, and we apprehend, unecessarly
delay'd. This is to desire you forthwith to deliver all these things
above mentioned to Glenlyon, and let his men of skill be brought to
the sawmill who shall make inventory of the mill and its appurtenances
and appreciate them all, mentioning the condition in which the mill
was and what it now is. The rule, in case of woods, with regard to
the grass, is, that what's before the ox belongs to the cutter. We re-
commend to you to accomodate Glenlyon in that particular as well as
the place will allow, without making any difficulties. And we recom-
mend to your father and you to use the best means you can to restrain
the tenants of the Wadsett lands from cutting or carreing away any of
the fir and timber ; for we agree that if any of these are faulty or
criminal in that behalf, that Glenlyon use them with the utmost rigour
and severity. Again we insist upon it that you make all this matter
easy to Glenlyon. We are pretty sure 'twill be doing yourself a
service as it shall be agreeable to

Your Humble Servants,

PAT. CAMPBELL.
COLIN CAMPBELL,

MONZIE, 25th MAY, 1725.

The young McGregors resisted Glenlyon's men after this
warning, and had to be again sharply threatened by the

268 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Breadalbane Trustees, who finally forced them to yield.
But Duncan M'Gregor, alias Campbell, their father,
hampered Glenlyon on his return from France in another
way. Before his exile Glenlyon owed Duncan M'Lean
Ardtrasgairt 300 merks, for which Duncan held Glenlyon's
bond. M'Gregor bought, or in some way acquired, M 'Lean's
bond, and no sooner did Glenlyon return than his late
factor got a charge of horning against him for the payment
of capital, interest and penalties. To say the least of it>
this was sharp practice, and Glenlyon, resisting the sort of
payment demanded, asked for a suspension of proceedings,
as shown by the following minute of what took place be-
fore the Court of Session judge, Lord Newhall, on the 2gth
June, 1723, the agents for the respective parties being
Macleod and Fleming : — " Macleod accepts the charge
founded upon a bond by the suspender to Duncan M'Lean,
and assigned by him to the charger, and craves the letters
may be found orderly proceeded. Fleming repeats his
reasons of suspension Prime, that the suspender being
necessarily abroad, out of the country, that the charger
during that time was his negotiorum gestor, and as such
concerned in setting his lands, uplifting of his rents, and
holding of his courts ; therefore any debts of the suspender's
transacted by the charger, or to which he acquired right in
that period, ought to be subject and liable to the same ex-
ceptions and manner of probation that they would have
been liable to, had they remained in the person of the
cedent ; and it is offered to be proven that the debt charged
for is paid to the cedent or to others by his orders, scripto
vel juramento of the cedent : 2do. It is presumed to have
been done with the suspender's own money and effects, at

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 269

least any cause given to the charger when he acquired the
right to the foresaid debt ; and further, $tio. The suspender
alleges and offers to instruct compensation of the sums
charged for by debts due by M'Lean, the creditor in the
bond charged on, and the charger cedent, which were paid
by the suspender on his account, and partly assigned to
him — which instruction of compensation the suspender
shall produce in termine" Macleod objected on technical
grounds, but Lord Newhall on the condition that the sus-
pender consigned into the clerk's hands twelve pounds
Scot, sustained the reasons of suspension, and when the
action came to be decided on its merits, M'Gregor made no
profit out of his sharp practices.

On his return from France, as previously mentioned,
Glenlyon began to build Glenlyon House. He and his
family had hitherto lived at Chesthill with his mother^
Helen Lindsay. The farm and house of Chesthill had
been settled on her at her marriage with Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon, to whom she bore a numerous family of
daughters, besides Laird John and Robert — the best
swordsman of his age, but a wild scamp — who was a lieu-
tenant in Lord Carmichael's Regiment of Horse. The
daughters were said to be very good looking, and although
poor, were sought in marriage by neighbouring lairds.
Robert Campbell of Boreland married Janet, the eldest of
the daughters, who thus became grandmother of the first
Marquis of Breadalbane. Macnab of Macnab married
another of them, and Alexander Campbell of Ardeonaig a
third. One was drowned in the Lyon, and her body
never recovered. Helen Lindsay's nephew — or perhaps a
younger brother — figured badly in the massacre of Glencoe.

270 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Popular opinion attributed to Helen's extravagance the
loss of the estate, and the misfortunes of her husband.
On her death, about 1726, Chesthill fell in to James Menzies
of Culdares, who thereupon had a tiff with his neighbour
and brother Jacobite about teind sheaves.

Glenlyon was by no means a contentious man, but after
his return from France, it seemed as if he never could get
free from contentions for the remainder of his life. The
boundary of his estate was difficult to settle, for different
encroachments had almost become rights, and the Duke of
Athole had to intervene, after swords had been drawn and
blows given. But after the marches had been "cleared,"
another hitch took place ; for on the I3th August, 1731, His
Grace James, Duke of Athole, complained to the Bailie of
his own court at Logierait " on Mr. John Menzies son to
Captain James Menzies of Comrie, that when in the month
of September, 1730, His Grace, on the one part, and John
Campbell of Glenlyon, on the other part, having cleared
marches betwixt Easter Drumcharry and East-end of
Fortingall, they signed articles thereanent, and deposited
them in the defender's hands until they should be registered,
that each party should have one extract since there was but
one double of the principal ; therefore the said defender
should be descerned to exhibit the said articles in the Clerk
of Court's hand to be registered as effeired." The Bailie,
Alexander Murray, decerned accordingly, and the defender
promptly obeyed.

John, the Laird's eldest son, a dark, stern, honourable,
and persevering youth, who had never the slightest
sympathy with his father's Jacobite views, and who believed
that " the curse of Glencoe " lay heavy upon himself and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 271

the family to whom he belonged, after having been attached
to an Independent Company, obtained a commission in the
Black Watch, or Freiceadan Dubh. The second son, David,
became, on the 5th of July, 1738, bound apprentice for three
years to "James Smyth, chyrurgeon-apothecary in Perth/
to learn " the art and science of pharmacy and chyrurgery."
The Laird paid down 600 merks as apprentice fee, and
bound himself to keep the lad in clothes and pay for his
washing, while the master bound himself to give him bed
and board, on conditions of perfect obedience, and to make
him carry himself discreetly and attend divine worship on
the Lord's Day. David, after learning all the Perth master
could teach him, completed his medical training, I believe,
in Edinburgh, and about 1744 went to Jamaica, where he
remained nearly thirty years ; and was a credit to his pro-
fession and the country of his birth, although from his
generous and honourable nature he did not make much of
a fortune. Dr. David had much trouble with his next
brother, Duncan, who followed him to Jamaica, flourished
for a while, took then to irregular ways, and next engaged
in the slave trade, if, indeed, he did not go the length of
piracy. Duncan finally disappeared on the Spanish coast
of South America, where according ta some reports he
assumed a Spanish name and married a Spanish lady ; but
it was the belief of his own family that he came to a violent
end, and not in Peru or Chili. Be that as it may, he gave
Dr. David trouble at the beginning of his career in Jamaica.
Laird John's eldest daughter before her brother left home,
married Balneaves of Edradour. She was the only one of
her father's children, male or female — and there were eight
of them who lived to good age — that ever married. Miss

2/2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Kitty, Miss Molly, and Miss Jennie, were not indeed so
bonnie, nor perhaps so accomplished, as their tocherless
aunts, but they were honest, kindly women, who in their
small sphere did some good, and were respected by high
and low. Archie Roy, the youngest son, and last of the
family except Jennie, was the Laird's favourite. With stern
John, his able soldier son, who gained his captaincy amidst
the thunders of Fontenoy, where the bravery of the Black
Watch astonished Europe, the Jacobite Laird had little
sympathy. That eldest son of his redeemed his debts,
kept him out of wasteful lawsuits, and was the real stay of
the family, but his father thought him a hard taskmaster,
and the rebellion of 1745 severed them entirely.

" The Elector of Struan " and Glenlyon were too old for
active service in the field when Prince Charlie unfurled the
White Standard of the Stuarts for the last time on British
soil. They were not, however, too old to fan the flames of
civil war and send other men to the field. Glenlyon, it is
supposed, was the man who caused the fiery cross to be
sent round Breadalbane to raise recruits for the" Prince, in
spite of Breadalbane's Earl, and of his son Lord Glenorchy,
who was actively mustering forces on King George's side,
and who, by holding the passes and old Grampian line of
defence with three thousand men, forced the Prince and his
clans after Falkirk to skirt the hills and follow the east
coast route — which proved their ruin — to fatal Culloden. The
Laird sent his own darling son, Archie Roy, to fight for the
Prince, although Archie was at the time only a sunny-
faced lad of fifteen. James Menzies of Culdares sent
the Prince secretly a gift horse of dun colour — au t-eachodhar
of evil fame — to mark his loyalty, by John M'Naughtan,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 273

who subsequently was hanged at Carlisle, not as Glenlyon,
opinion would have it, because he would rot tell who sent
the horse, but because he despatched Colonel Gardner
with a scythe stroke, when he lay wounded on the field of
Prestonpans. Yet, although this was the crime for which
John was tried and hanged, it may be true enough that he
could save his life by betraying Culdares — which with
Highland fidelity he refused to do. As Culdares acted
with more prudence than Glenlyon, the Jacobites of Glen-
lyon and Fortingall looked to Archie Roy as their only
local leader, although he was truly too young to lead.

When the rebellion collapsed, old Struan and old Glen-
lyon deemed it prudent to go into hiding places. Archie
Roy, who was in real danger, spent the summer after
Culloden in the sheilings at Lochs, passing as the son of
Patrick Campbell Roroyare. His father was in no danger
whatever, although very much afraid of his own son and of
Mr. Fergus Ferguson, the uncompromising minister of
Fortingall, who had, by his boldness in speech and action,
prevented many wavering people from taking the Prince's
side when the sun shone on it, and who now justified the
policy of Cumberland and the Government to handle matters
in such a way as to make another Stuart rising impossible.
The Laird did not go further than the Black Wood of
Chesthill, and Patrick M'Arthur his old tenant, for a hiding
place and a safe protector. Lieutenant John, his heir, was
unfortunately sent by the Government to burn the houses
of the Bunrannoch rebels, and this made the old Laird's
cup of bitterness run over, although it was admitted that
Lieutenant John, and indeed all the officers and men of the
Black Watch, carried out their orders with exceeding

2/4 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

reluctance, and with all possible consideration for the
rebels.

The son, whom the broken-down old Jacobite declared in
his wrath to be no son of his, strained every nerve to get
protections for his father and young brother. His own
merits and the influence of Argyle and Breadalbane en-
abled him to succeed. Before the end of the summer after
Culloden, Genlyon returned to the bosom of his family once
more a free man, but he never recovered health or spirits
any more. He must have died at the beginning of the year
1746, for we find his wife, z&fzctrix for her son Lieutenant
John, on April 3Oth, 1747, caused the farm stock belonging
to him to be sold by public roup. At the time of his death,
Glenlyon had not much land in his own hands. His stock
consisted of thirty-three goats which were bought by James
Menzies at the Milne of Aberfeldy, for one hundred and
sixteen pounds, twelve shillings Scots ; forty sheep sold to
the said James Menzies for the very same sum he paid
for the thirty-three goats ; seventeen cows bought by
Alexander Cameron, forester of Mamlorne, at £20 Scots, or
£i 33. 4d. Sterling per head ; and a black horse which
James Campbell, dyer, Killin, bought for £61 43. Scots.
When the old Laird died, the leading Jacobites of the
district were still in hiding, or out of the country. Still he
had a great funeral. If the gentry were not so numerous
as they would have been in other circumstances, the common
people gathered from far and near in great numbers to pay
their last mark of respect to a man who had always been
popular with high and low.

XXVII.

JOHN CAMPBELL of Glenlyon who came afterwards
to be called, "An Coirneal Dubh "— "The Black
Colonel," received his commission as a lieutenant in
the Black Watch, or 42nd regiment, in December, 1744, but
he was connected with an Independent Company long
before the regiment was embodied. When appointed a
lieutenant of the additional companies then about to be
raised, he was with the army in Flanders. His conduct at
Fontenoy attracted the notice of the Duke of Cumberland,
and he was promised a captaincy without purchase as soon
a vacancy occurred. That promise was fulfilled in March,
1748, when he was made an additional captain ; but in-
stead of remaining with the Highlanders, he went on half
pay, and almost immediately exchanged into the Marines.
The true explanation for this proceeding is to be found in
the strange fatalism of the man. From his boyhood to
his grave he believed that it was his fate to bear an in-
herited curse. As a man who remembered him once told
me — " Bit dnine air leth an Coirneal Dubk, oir b'e bheachd
fhein riamh gu'n robh seun mallachd Ghlinne-comhann air''
" A man by himself was the Black Colonel ; for he ever
believed that the evil spell of the curse of Glencoe was
upon him." It became his and Captain James Menzies of
Comrie's sad burden to be ordered to burn the houses,

2/6 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

drive away the cattle, and capture the persons of Perthshire
Highland friends and relatives who had been with Prince
Charlie. They performed their disagreeable duties with as
little harshness, and as much forbearance, as their orders
and duty permitted. That, however, did not save them from
Jacobite obloquy, and the coarse satires of Allan Stewart
of Innerhadden. To young Glenlyon, whose father and
brother were fugitive rebels, the cross was particularly
heavy. He attributed his misfortune to the curse of Glen-
coe, and the feeling that he was fated to drie an evil weird
through a long life grew upon him. The Caledonian Mercury
of March, 1747, contains the following paragraph : —

" Lieutenant John Campbell of Glenlyon, and Ensign John Grant of
Glenmoriston, with a strong detachment from the additional com-
panies of the Black Watch, sailed in the fleet for Flanders. When
it was notified to the men that only a part of them was to join the
army, all claimed the preference to be permitted to embark, and it
was necessary to draw lots, as none would remain behind."

Glenlyon fought with distinction through the campaign
in Flanders, and got his step without purchase ; but when
his regiment returned to England in 1748, he exchanged
into the Marines because he wished to sever himself as much
as possible from all scenes and associations which recalled
the curse of Glencoe. A few Highlanders of his district
followed him, however, rather against his wish, into a
branch of the service which had not hitherto been popular
with them. These men used long afterwards to tell their
children and grandchildren how the shadow of the curse
darkened Glenlyon's life wherever he went. They described
him as a man who seldom laughed, except on battle days,
a stern disciplinarian, but a just and kindly commander,
who took greater care of his men than of himself. " He

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 277

car aid a dJiaoine e's Ue'n laocJis an iomairt e." "He was the
friend of his men and the hero in the strife/' said a man
whose grandfather had long served under him, and who no
doubt faithfully repeated that grandfather's opinion of his
commander.

He put the affairs of his estate in the best order he could,
and constituted his mother his factrix before leaving for
Flanders in 1747. From that year till 1769, he was always
on active service in different parts of the world. He was
with Admiral Rodney's expedition, and commanded eight
hundred Marines at the capture of Havannah in 1762. On
that occasion he earned not only a great deal of praise, but
of prize money also. His estate meanwhile had been
cleared of debt. His mother — advised in difficult cases by
«' John Campbell of the Bank," — proved herself to be the
best of managers. She and her daughters lived quietly,
plainly, but hospitably and happily, at Glenlyon House.
For some time after his rehabilitation, Archie Roy, the
young ex-rebel, lived with his family, and no one could, if
we may trust the reports handed down, go nearer extract-
ing sunshine from cucumbers than he. His sister Molly
was also full of merriment, while Kitty was sarcastic, and
Jennie, the youngest, was quaint and credulous. In 1749,
the Rev. Fergus Ferguson, minister of Fortingall, died, and
the Jacobites of the parish were far from sorry. They had
done their best to ostracise him ; but he was not the man
to stand that sort of thing. It was whispered, however,
that his death resulted from being tumbled into the river,
as if by an accident, out of the ferry boat at Laggan, on a
dark night, by a vengeful Jacobite. The plunge into the
wintry water gave him a cold, which he neglected, and the

2/8 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

cold carried him off. It was said that " he walked " after
his death. He had acted manfully and faithfully according
to his conscience and views, and if he was not to be stopped
by trifles from keeping his parishioners by all means
in his power from rushing into rebellion, after Culloden
he appears to have acted more kindly towards the rebels
than some of them were prepared to act towards him.

Archie Roy, like his brothers John and David, was well
educated. They all possessed in a remarkable degree the
gift of writing sprightly, well-composed, and well-spelt
letters. But the Coirneal Dubh, until he retired from
active service, was generally content with sending home
short business missives, and David was at times prosy ?
while some way or other the youngest brother always
bubbled over with light-hearted humour, even when he
wished to be solemn and serious. They all received their
early education at the Fortingall parish school, which had
then an excellent classical scholar as teacher, but I sup-
pose they must have afterwards been to St. Andrew's, or
Edinburgh, before going out into the world, although it is
sure in Archie's case that he had not been to college before
he followed Prince Charlie. He had however plenty of
time afterwards to complete his education. The sisters
were by no means so well educated as the brothers, perhaps
because they could not be sent, like the boys, to the parish
school, and because governesses were then scarce. Sar-
castic Kitty could write smartly, but her spelling was of
the most irregular phonetic kind imaginable. Molly wrote
like a school-girl, with some trouble, and uncertain efforts
at correctness, while Jennie could do little more than just
sign her name,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 279

On the 5th January, 1757, Archie Roy received a com-
mission as lieutenant in the 75th Regiment, or Fraser's
Highlanders, the colonel and many officers and men of
which were ex-rebels like himself. The regiment was
instantly sent to America. It landed at Halifax, Nova
Scotia, in June, 1757. Many Glenlyon and Fortingall lads
followed Archie Roy to the field, as they did eleven years
earlier, when he was only a boy, to Prestonpans, Derby,
Falkirk, and Culloden. The 75th joined the expedition
against Lewisburg, and fought nobly throughout the whole
of the war, which ended in the British conquest of Canada.
Archie Roy was one of the officers wounded in the suc-
cessful defence of Quebec, on the 28th of April, 1760. It
was supposed at first that he could not recover, and
although he did recover, and that quickly too, his wound
gave him a good deal of trouble for the rest of his life, and
in the end shortened his days. He received his commission
as captain before he was out of hospital, and remained at
Quebec for the next two years, and then returned home with
his regiment, or at least with as much of it as wished to return
home instead of settling on land grants in Canada. As the
regiment was disbanded on coming home, Captain Campbell
retired from the service on half-pay, and lived at Glenlyon
House for some years with his mother and sisters.

The following case in which he acted as Major Mac-
pherson's agent, while at Quebec, shows how the purchase
system worked in the old times.

" Copie of the claim given in by Capt. Archibald Campbell to the
gentlemen arbitrators.

'• GENTLEMEN,

I shall here lay before you, as briefly as I can, every-

28o THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

thing relating to the purchase and sale of Major M'Pherson's Com-
pany, late of the ;8th Regiment.

"When the said major gave in his resignation, October, 1760, Captain
Campbell of the said regiment was recommended to be his successor
to the majority, and Lieutenant David Baillie was also recommended,
as purchaser of Captain Campbell's Company, for both which the
said major was to receive .£1,500 sterling to be paid to him in the
following manner :

" Major Campbell to pay ,£400 for the majority, Lieut. Baillie to pay
£800 for the company, the lieutenant and ensign to pay the remaining
,£300 which made up the sum above mentioned.

" Colonel Fraser engaged to give sterling bills to this amount (on
Baillie's account) if Lieut. Baillie was approved of and got the com-
pany. On account of Baillie's youth and short service, His Excellency,
General Amherst, refused giving him the purchase at that time, but
gave Major MTherson leave to go home.

" On this occasion the major left a power in my hands to receive the
price of his company, and to give his successor, or any concerned,
discharges for the same.

"About the middle of March, 1761, Lieut. John Nairn was recom-
mended as purchaser of the said company, whose former service and
rank in the regiment instituted to the purchase, preferable to Lieut.
Baillie. Sometime in June following his commission was sent to the
commanding officer of the regiment, dated 24th April, 1761.

" In July after, Captain John Nairn paid £600 of the purchase money
in sterling bills of exchange, and made an offer of ^"400 more in cash
to Major Campbell at the exchange of 45. 8d. or 45. rod. per dollar, as
no bills of exchange could be purchased at that rate in town. The
said major or any concerned could not accept of this money, as they
could not remitt it home without a considerable discompt.

" I Imagine, as Lieut. Nairn succeeded to Lieut. Baillie's purchase,he
is certainly liable to all the agreements made with the said Baillie, as
there was no other made with him, or any other on his account.

" I beg that the gentlemen arbitrators will consider theabove, and de-
termine whether it is not in like cases agreeable to the practice of the
army, J:hat Captain Nairn should be made liable to pay the sum pro-
mised and agreed upon with Baillie, and also the manner in which
the same ought to be paid ; and lastly, whether it is not agreeable to
the said practice, that the purchaser should pay the lawfull interest for

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 281

the money agreed upon from the date of his commission till the arrival
of the bills, and until these bills are accepted of ; especially as the pay-
ment is so long deferred, as in this case it is, and by what appears to
me an omission in the purchaser.

" I beg leave to inform you, gentlemen, that the aforesaid sum of
^"400 lies still in Major Campbell's hands, dead to the purchaser and
seller since July last,

And am, &c.,

ARCHD. CAMPBELL."
" Copie of the Sentence of the Arbitrators.

"Whereas the Honourable James Murray, Esqr., Governor of
Quebec, in behalf of Captain John Nairn, of the 78th regiment, on the
one part, and Captain Archibald Campbell of the said regiment in
behalf of John M'Pherson, Esyr., late major also of the said regiment
on the other part, have thought proper by an instrument dated the 5th
day of this present month of April, to nominate and appoint us whose
names are underwritten to be arbitrators and umpires in a dispute
arisen between said Major M'Pherson and Captain John Nairn, in
relation to a company purchased by the latter from the former in the
said 78th Regiment.

" We, the arbitrators, having taken the same into our most serious
consideration, and heard all that the several parties had to say on the
occasion, having also enquired into the usual price paid for companies
in the 78th Regiment, which we find by the concurrent testimony of
Captains Archibald and Alexander Campbell of the said regiment, to
have never at any time exceeded one thousand pounds sterling.

" We, the said arbitrators, unanimously award that Captain John
Nairn do pay unto Major John M'Pherson the sum of one thousand
pounds sterling for the company according to the custom of the said
regiment, and as it would be the height of injustice for Captain Nairn
to be bound by a bargain made with his junior in the same regiment,
to whom on that account and by reason of his youth it was of the
highest consequence at any price to gain rank.

" As the delay of payment has been owing to Major M'Pherson's
claiming what does not appear to be his right, we, the arbitrators,
further judge that Captain Nairn should pay the four hundred pounds

282 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

" And that during the said period he shall appoint Pat. Murray as his
depute, and that Mr. James Murray continue Clerk of Supply.

" That Captain Campbell pay to the said Patrick Murray the like sum
of ^65 during his continuance in office, but with the burden of relieving

"For the foregoing reasons the Arbitrators cannot think Major
M'Pherson entitled to any interest on the said purchaser's money.

" Given under our hands at Quebec, this 6th day of April ', 1762.

(Signed)

"P. jEMIS. IRVING.
"SAML. GARDINER.
" H. T. CRAMAHE.

" A true Copy, H. T. CRAMAHE, Secy.n

In 1766, Captain Campbell was a candidate for the office
of Collector of Cess in Perthshire. The Earl of Breadal-
bane — Jain Dubh na rionnaig — " Black John of the Star,"
was his chief patron, and he had a good many other friends,
but as the issue was doubtful, he and other candidates
entered into the following strange agreement :—

" EXCHANGE COFFEE-HOUSE IN EDINBURGH.
tfh March, 1766.

" Proposals for preventing any struggle among the friends of Captain
Campbell, Captain Stewart, and James and Patrick Murray, three
candidates for being chosen Collector of the Supply, in the County of
Perth, at next annual election.

"That the friends of these three parties unite their interest in the
choice of Captain Campbell as collector.

" That the captain have the right of exaction as to the cess, so of the
whole salaries, fees, and perquisites thereto belonging.

"That during his continuance in office he give security to Captain
Stewart, annually, for ^65 sterling.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 283

lying in Major Campbell's hands in Sterling at the Exchange, current
in Quebec at the time that money was deposited, said rate to be as-
certained by two paymasters of regiments, or two merchants at the
option of the parties.

the collector of his salary establisht, or to be establisht, by the county
to the said James Murray as Clerk of Supply.

(Signed), (Signed),

"DAVID SMYTH, witness. "ARCHD. CAMPBELL.

""RO. HALDANE, witness. "JAMES STEWART.

"JOHN CRAIGIE, witness. "JAMES MURRAY.

" JOHN MACKENZIE, witness.
"JA. ROBERTSON BARCLAY, witness."

The Black Colonel, after twenty years' absence on active
service, paid a visit to his property and people in 1769.
The following letter to "Captain Archibald Campbell,
Brother Germain to Glenlyon," from the Laird of Macnab,
fixes the date of his home-coming :

" DEAR SIR, —This moment I was favoured wt yours, and the verry
agreeable news to me of Glenlyon's safe arivall in good health, which
I wish he long enjoy. The gardner here has engaged with me thir
three ensueing years ; and if he had not I would have recommended
him sooner than any of his business I ever saw in this pairish. Fran
and his brother went this morning for Stirling mercat. The young
terriers are sent, and as good in kynd as ever I saw. How soon the
lads return I shall have the pleasure of waiting on Glenlyon, and
family ; to whom my wife with me joyne in compliments, and to the
good old and young ladies, not forgetting Captain Archd.

I ever am,

Dear Sir,
Your affectionate cusine and humble servant,

JOHN M'NAB.
KINNELL, 30th October, 1769."

284 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

The " Fran " of the letter was Francis the heir of Macnab.
He was the last chief of his clan that possessed the paternal
acres, and a strange character he was. The reference to
old as well as young ladies, shows that the Black Colonel
had the pleasure of finding his mother — with whom he was
always in closer sympathy than he ever had been with his
father — alive on his return. She died either that or next
year.

Soon after the coming home of the Coirneal Dubh, he
and his brother the captain went out to shoot hares,
patridges, and whatever else they could find in the Cuil
Wood, which was then more extensive than it is now. They
were attended by their dependent, John Campbell, whose
son, an old veteran of Abercromby's expedition to Egypt,
told me the story. It happened that the captain fired at a
hare while his brother stood in the line of his fire. The
horrified attendant shouted, " You have shot your brother,"
and both he and the captain rushed to the colonel, who,
showing them his cloak riddled with shot, said to his
brother : " Don't be afraid. I am not touched. The curse
of Glencoe is a spell upon me. I have been in mortal strife
many a time, and remained untouched by ball or steel while
friends and foes were falling round me. I must drie my
weird."

The colonel did not remain long at home. The services
of officers of his experience and proved capacity were in
high demand ; for the first upheaval of the American revolt
had taken place, and war was immediately expected. So
he went back to his marines, taking a few volunteers, who
would not be denied, with him. During the next two years
he and his marines went here and there, wherever they were

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 285

told to go, and did as well as they could whatever they were
told to do. At the end of that time occurred the incident
which General Stewart relates as follows, and quite accur-
ately too, with this exception that he forgets to mention
it was the colonel himself who by extreme efforts had
obtained the man's reprieve : —

" In 1771, Colonel Campbell was ordered to superintend the execu-
tion of the sentence of a court-martial on a soldier of marines con-
demned to be shot. A reprieve was sent, but the whole ceremony of
the execution was to proceed until the criminal was upon his knees,
with a cap over his eyes, prepared to receive this volley. It was then
he was to be informed of his pardon. No person was to be told
previously, and Colonel Campbell was directed not to inform even the
firing party, who were warned that the signal to fire would be the
waving of a white handkerchief by the commanding officer. When all
was prepared, and the clergyman had left the prisoner on his knees,
in momentary expectation of his fate, and the firing party were looking
with intense attention for the signal, Colonel Campbell put his hand in
his pocket for the reprieve, and in pulling out the packet, the white
handkerchief accompanied it, and catching the eyes of the party, they
fired, and the unfortunate prisoner was shot dead. The paper dropped
through Colonel Campbell's fingers, and, clapping his hand to his fore-
head, he exclaimed, ' The curse of God and of Glencoe is here : I am
a ruined man.' He desired the soldiers to be sent to the barracks,
instantly quitted the parade, and soon afterwards retired from the
service. This retirement was not the result of any reflections or re-
primand on account of this unfortunate affair, as it was known to be
entirely accidental. The impression on his mind, however, was never
effaced."

XXVIII.

THE influence of friends, and the remonstrances of
those who were then at the head of the War De-
partment, and who wished, with the American war loom-
ing in the near distance, to retain him in the service, failed
to alter the Coirneal Dubh's determination to retire as
soon as possible after the tragical death of the reprieved
marine. He returned to his home at the beginning of May,
1772, and on the 3Oth of that month, gave his brother,
the captain, a discharge on settled accounts for intro-
missions as his factor, during the four years from Martin-
mas 1767, to the end of 1770. It appears from this ac-
count, that besides having paid to them the small sums
due from their father's nearly bankrupt estate, the colonel
had, as soon as he could, settled, most generously, liberal
annuities on his three unmarried sisters. His old nurse,
also, figures in the account for house rent and aliment, and
other old dependents of the family and needy relations
participated in his generosity. After his return he in-
creased his benefactions. Very little of his rent ever went
into his own pocket. His half-pay, prize money, and
savings, however, brought him in more income than he
required ; and so in course of years he grew rich without
an effort. He was abstemious and simple in his habits,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 287

and kept very little company, although those who visited
him were treated with Highland hospitality. Towards the
local gentry he had a stand-off air which made him more
respected than popular among people of his own class.
The Earl of Breadalbane, and Mr. Duncan Macara, the
minister of Fortingall, were, outside his own family, his
only intimate friends. He became much interested in the
minister's son and only child, David Macara, who died
forty years later at Quatre Bras, at the head of the Black
Watch, a colonel in the army and a Knight Commander of
the Bath. David Macara, however, had no intention of
becoming a soldier, when his youthful dreams of ambition
and abundant hopefulness amused and cheered the Black
Colonel. He studied medicine, and served long as a
doctor in the East Indian Company's service, before he took
up the sword. Angus Robertson, from Chesthill, the lad
he selected for his gillie when he entered the company's
service, went seven times with him to the East Indies.
Dr. Macara caught the infection of the national fighting
spirit at the outbreak of the great war with France, and
having saved a good deal of money, and seen, also, a good
deal of fighting, he had no difficulty in changing his pro-
fession, and in getting on in the army with more rapidity
than younger men, with smaller means, and less ability.

Captain Archibald left the shelter of the family roof in
1770, on being appointed, by the Earl of Breadalbane,
chamberlain of his Lome property. Henceforward, until
his death, the captain resided at Ardmady Castle, and his
sister Mary, or Molly, kept house for him. He became
very popular with both the gentry and common people in
Argyleshire. Thirty years ago his memory was still green

288 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

among the tenantry of the Breadalbane estate in Lome.
Their highest idea of " the good old times " was derived
almost solely, from the period of Caiptein Ruadh Glilean-
nliomhunris chamberlainship. They had many stories
about his official goodness and personal liberality. One of
these stories told how he punished a miserly man who
tried to take his brother's farm underhand. Here it is : —
Two brothers lived side by side on farms of unequal value,
although they were let at the same rents. Both brothers
were married. The elder brother, who had the better farm,
was without children. The younger brother, with the
worse farm, had many children too young yet to help him.
It was a struggle to him, therefore, to pay his rent and
maintain his family ; and in a bad year he fell behind in
his accounting with the chamberlain. Now his miserly
elder brother, knowing this, went to the Caiptein Ruadh
and offered to take his brother's farm at the old rent, and
pay, too, his brother's arrears. And the Caiptein Ruadk
let him have the farm on the said terms. Now when the
struggling brother heard of the affair, he was in a great
strait, and sore perplexed; but his wife said to him — "Take
heart and go to the Caiptein Ruadli yourself. He is a just
man, and he will not see honest hard-working people
ruined." And the man went and asked the Caiptein if he
had really given his farm to his unkind brother ? The
Caiptein laughed merrily and said : — " Yes, indeed, your
brother has got your farm and paid your arrears ; but he
forgot to take his own farm at the same time. So if you
wish to have his farm, you can have it." And so it was
settled. The bad brother was punished as he deserved,
and the struggling brother prospered ever afterwards.

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 289

Notwithstanding his sociality and generous disposition, the
captain was a money-making and hard-working man, who
liked to keep accounts and everything else very straight.
He lent out his savings to needy land owners on heritable
security, and exacted good regular interest. He and his
sister entertained Pennant during his tour in the Hebrides,
and were vastly pleased with him. He was probably an
old friend of their brother, the colonel ; for on the colonel's
coming to Glenlyon House in 1769, he was immediately
visited by Pennant, who was on his first tour, and at the
time Lord Breadalbane's guest at Taymouth. The colonel
showed his visitor the ancient Glenlyon brooch, which he
pictured for his book, and the sword-stick of Donnachadh
Ruadh Mac Cailein. In 1772, the Earl of Breadalbane
specially asked his chamberlain in Lome to organise Pen-
nant's tour — that is, to find gillies, horses, and boats, for
him ; and the captain carried out his instructions with
pleasure. He was not a bad antiquary of the Highland
traditional class himself, and Pennant got much informa-
tion both from him and his brother the Black Colonel.

In his letters to his brother in Jamaica, the captain, ever
since his return from Canada, had been constantly harping
on the matrimonial string. He hoped for a long time that
his brother, the Black Colonel, would marry ; and he
always assumed that only one of the three brothers
ought to marry. The reason for this limitation to one
marriage was that from their early days the brothers were
determined to work in common for the rehabilitation of the
family position, and the recovery of the lands lost through
the extravagance or misfortunes of their grandfather.
When the colonel came home to settle down for good in

2QO THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

1772, the captain saw at once that there was no hope of
his ever marrying. He therefore wrote to Dr. David
urging him, as the next brother, to choose a wife. Philo-
sopher David, who was fifty years old, pooh-poohed the
proposal of matrimony in his own person, but advised the
captain himself, who was a good deal younger, to look out
for a wife. The captain, apparently after a family consul-
tation at home, sent word to Jamaica that he was deter-
mined to marry as soon as ever he met " a lassie he liked,
and whom he could get to like him in return." But
although he was rather an eligible parti, and was ac-
quainted with all the landed families of the Highlands of
Perthshire, and most of Argyleshire, time passed on with-
out seeing him married. Still he had the idea in his mind
to the end of his life. Here is one of his later letters " To
Doctor David Campbell, at Watermount, St. John's, near
Spanish Town, Jamaica :

" ARDMADY, 28M May, 1778.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,

I wrote you last harvest by London, and soon after
by the Clyde, and this spring I wrote you two letters in the same way.
My letters to London were sent there under cover to Mrs. Campbell
Carwhin, who wrote me both times that she forwarded them by the
Jamaica Pacquet. Last night I was informed that Captain Neil
Campbell was soon to go out in a Letter of Marque of 20 guns, which
induces me to write by him, as 1 hope he will get through safe from
American Privateers. I must fear, from the number of ships taken to
and from your island, that but few of my letters get your length, which
makes me take all opportunities to write you. I wrote you in most of
my letters concerning the money you remitted home ; that the bill
came safe and was duly paid ; that I had paid our nephew, Harry
Balneavis, the ^200 on his account, and sent to John, Ann, and Eliza-
beth Campbell of Stirling. John came, but brought no power from

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 291

his sisters, or any discharge. I told him I lodged the £100 in the
Perth Bank, and should pay it to them when they brought me a
proper discharge. But considering his character (which is none of
the best), and that you wrote me you were to draw upon me in their
favour, when I would have time to negotiate the bill, I was advised to
let the money lie on their account in bank till we heard again from
you, and there it still remains. If you do not draw on me, in their
favour, it will be necessary you let me or them know from whom the
money comes through your hands to them, that by this they may be
enabled to give a proper discharge.

" I was glad to see by your last, which I received about a twelvemonth
ago, that David Balneavis was like to do better. I wish he may. I
formerly wrote you, in all my letters, that I got Archy Balneavis a
lieutenancy in General Eraser's Highlanders. He was unlucky enough
to be taken prisoner, along with Colonel Archibald Campbell, in Boston
Bay, and was a prisoner till January last, when he and others got to
New York on parole. According to the last accounts from that quarter
he was there ; but it was thought they would be obliged to return again
to their former bondage, as General Howe did not wish them to be
absent from the men, till they were exchanged ; but it was hoped a general
cartell would take place and that all of them would be exchanged. I
wish it may be so on all their accounts.

"All other friends are well — your brother John, Kitty and Janey at
Fortingall, as usual, and Molly here with me ; no matrimonial change
has yet taken place in the family. I wrote you last harvest, and in all
my letters since, that Mr. Menzies of Culdares was dead, and had left
but one daughter — by which the estate of Glenlyon comes to be divided
betwixt his daughter and the heir of entail ; the daughter's part being
the lower end of Glenlyon, near the one half, must be sold to pay his,
Culdare's, personal debt ; and as Stewart of Cairnies, who succeeds, is
the last in the entail, and a light horseman, it is believed he can and
will sell what remains. My brother and I will go all the length our
purse or credit can go, to get the ancient inheritance again. But it
will throw us greatly in debt to purchase the daughter's part of the
estate. I wish you were at home, to join stocks in the common
interest ; and laying that aside, considering the drumly situation we
are in with America (which if we lose we fear our West Indian Islands
will follow), I most sincerely wish you out of it.

"Notwithstanding my often desiring it, you never let me know what I

292 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

can send you from Scotland that will be of use to you in Jamaica. I
once more beg you'll but only mention it. I can assure you it would
be a pleasure to me, or your sister, to send it. And from here we
have, every month, opportunities to Greenock. If eatables in these
scarce times that will carry — salmon or herrings, &c. — if linen or
checks for coarse clothes for your slaves ; I beg you'll inform me. I
live here very comfortable in the midst of plenty, and you making hard
fare of it makes my morsels sometimes go down with a worse relish.

" We have been all this year plagued, raising men for home and
foreign service. God grant a speedy end to these troubles. Your
sister joins me in love and affection to you, and in best compliments
to David Balneavis, cousin John, and Colin Ardincaple, who, I hope,
is doing well. I send enclosed a letter from his mother. When you
write, please mention them all, and how they are. Mr. Archy
Campbell's brothers and father are well. Believe me always, my dear
David,

Your Affectionate Brother,

ARCHD. CAMPBELL."

As regards the £100 sent to the Campbells at Stirling,
Dr. David in this, as in several other cases, acted as unpaid
broker — or friend at need — to humble Highlanders in
Jamaica who wished to send home money to their relations.

Two years after sending the preceding letter to Dr.
David, the captain's Quebec wound, which had never
perfectly healed, broke out again, and he died rather
suddenly, but not before he had settled his affairs, at the
age of 51. To Dr. David he left, above his equal share, the
" Feu of Coupar," for which he claimed to be enrolled on
the list of freeholders of Perthshire in 1776. Although a
peculiar one, this Feu of Cupar was a real and valuable
property, and not one of the sham qualifications by which
Parliamentary election votes were often created, up to the
passing of the first Reform Bill. He left, in all, about

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 293

^"5,000 sterling, which was considered a gentlemanly fortune
at that time. Had he lived a very little longer he would
have received a large legacy from his employer and fast
friend, John, Earl of Breadalbane, the last of the first earl's
stock, who died in 1782.

The captain's funeral cost £145 i6s. pd., which was a
tremendous sum for that age : but the funeral itself was so
extraordinary, that for a generation or two it formed a fixed
date from which the lapse of time was calculated. The
gentry of Argyle and the tenants of Lome carried the
coffin, Highland fashion — that is, shoulder high — towards
the Perthshire march. They were reinforced by the men
of Glenorchy before reaching the border ; and on Drumalban
they were met by the men of Glenlyon and Breadalbane.
Thence they marched, such a funeral host as had been rarely
seen, to the family burying place at Fortingall, where he
was laid beside his Jacobite father.

The death of the ever-joyous, ever-hopeful captain was
a great blow to his brothers and sisters. Dr. David, writing
from Jamaica on receipt of the sad news, lost his customary
calmness, and mourned like David over Jonathan. Miss
Mary, it was said, never again held up her head. But the
melancholy Black Colonel, who kept his grief to himself,
except when he let Mr. Macara get glimpses of his inner
being, was probably the most grieved of all. He was build-
ing his hopes on his youngest brother when taking steps to
avail himself of any opportunity that might offer to buy
back a portion, or the whole, of his family's "ancient
inheritance." He had seemingly resolved, when still quite
a young man, that the cross of the " Curse of Glencoe,"
which was such a burden to himself should never be trans-

294 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

milled to a son of his. But Archie Roy laughed at his
fancies, and enjoyed life in spite of fate : so the colonel
thought that if Archie Roy married and had children, the
curse would not touch him nor his posterity. At this time
he had three nephews, sons of his eldest sister and her
husband, Balneaves of Edradour. Harry Balneaves, the
eldest of the three, is the person mentioned in the captain's
letter, to whom his uncle, Dr. David, had sent £200.
Archibald, the lieutenant, who soon afterwards returned
-from America with the rank of captain, was the second
nephew. The third was David Balneaves, an unsteady
character, who was sent out to his uncle in Jamaica, and
became a planter. David was rather prosperous as a
planter ; but he would not keep from drink, and the climate
killed him before his doctor uncle left the island. These
Balneaves brothers had one sister, Catherine, who married
Mr. Peter Garden of Delgaty.

There was not much prospect that the Campbells of
Glenlyon should be perpetuated, in the male line and main
stem, after the death of the Captain Roy ; but prospect or
no prospect, the Black Colonel pertinaciously adhered to
the purpose of buying back what he could of the " ancient
inheritance," whenever the opportunity presented itself.
The " light horseman " who succeeded to the Meggernie
estate was not able, although perfectly willing, to sell. The
entail held good when put to the test ; but the Chesthill
estate was so drowned in debt that it was sure, sooner
or later, to come into the market. The Black Colonel lay
in wait for it with his money at command. But death pre-
vented him from effecting his purpose. He died in 1784,
at the age of 69, before the Chesthill estate was sold.

XXIX.

THE Black Colonel, before his death, entailed the
estate. He also by a deed, dated 4th April, 1781
appointed his brother and heir Dr. David Campbell, his
nephew Henry Balneaves of Edradour, his cousin David
Smyth of Methven, John Campbell of Achalader, John
Campbell, younger of Achalader, William Campbell of
Duneaves, and John Campbell Writer to the Signet, son of
" John Campbell of the Bank," whom the Highlanders dis-
tinguished from the father by calling him " Iain Oig a
Bhainc " — his disposers in trust, for investing his money
in the purchase of property, adjacent to or conveniently
near his entailed estate. Old John Campbell of Achalader,
for fifty years or more chamberlain of Breadalbane, died
before himself; and soon after the colonel's death, William
Campbell sold the estate of Duneaves, which had been in
his family for four generations, to Mr. Alexander Menzies,
one of the principal clerks of the court of Session, who
afterwards bought the estate of Chesthill.

When Dr. David, whom the people of his native district
called an Doctair Mor, or the Big Doctor, came home from
Jamaica, he found his nephew, Captain Archibald Balneaves,
acting as factor for the trustees ; but he immediately took
the local management of affairs into his own hands, and
appointed Iain Oig a Bhainc his Edinburgh man of

296 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

business. Mr. Archibald Campbell of Easdale continued,
for many years, to uplift the interest on the captain's money,
laid out on heritable security, in Argyleshire. Dr. David
did not care so much as his two brothers had cared about
recovering the " ancient inheritance," either in whole or in
part. Instead of losing his Gaelic during his thirty years'
residence in Jamaica, he came back a far better Gaelic
scholar than he was when he left. All Gaelic books pub-
lished in the interval had been sent out to him, as well as
all the new medical works of the same period, and he had
keenly studied both. But he did not believe, like his
brothers, in Macpherson's Ossian, although he believed in
Ossian. I am not sure whether or not the judicial sale of
the Chesthill estate had taken place before his arrival : but
it appears that in 1785, soon after his return, Mr. Alexander
Menzies would have resold it to him, had he wished to
purchase. In matters which had been fixed by the colonel's
trust he allowed the dead hand to rule ; but as far as he
was left free he did not bother himself about purchasing
land. He was almost as temperate — and it was a hard
drinking age — as his brother the colonel, but he made up
for that by being a great smoker, and a social, hospitable,
old gentleman. True enough, he was rather a puzzle to the
neighbouring lairds, for he was a keen student of natural
history and physical science — then in its infancy — and had
resources of enjoyment within himself to which most of
them were strangers. He became the unpaid doctor of the
poor — and in cases of an exceptional difficulty, of the rich —
over a large district. He was much interested in farming
improvements and stock-breeding ; but his farm manager
and shepherd maintained that on these subjects he had

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 297

more theories than true knowledge. He was not ambitious
of playing a prominent part in parish or county business
On the contrary, he declined, with thanks, the offer of the
Duke of Athole to appoint him a Deputy-Lieutenant, until,
in 1794, affairs grew so serious at home and abroad, that as
a good patriot he could no longer refuse. " John of the
Star," the old Earl of Breadalbane, was dead, before he
came back from Jamaica ; and his own near relation, John
of Carwhin, grandson of his aunt, Janet of Glenlyon, reigned
at Taymouth. It was well for the young man that he had'
close at hand, such a wise adviser and hearty friend as the
Big Doctor. It was well also for the Breadalbane tenantry
and they knew it too. Under the Big Doctor's tuition and
moulding influence, John, the 4th Earl and first Marquis of
Breadalbane, became the kindest and best beloved landlord
his wide domains ever knew. His only error — and it was
a well meaning and kindly one — was that he divided many
farms — which were not large enough to bear sub-division
without leading to overpopulation and pauperism — in order
to give rooms to men who served in his Fencible Regi-
ments.

The Big Doctor advocated emigration against the spirit
of the time among men of his class ; but he wanted also to
keep the glens, dales, and straths at home as fully peopled
as they could bear. He foresaw and rather dreaded the
growth of towns. He was ready to argue on all questions,
except party politics for which he had no liking. He came
back from Jamaica in excellent health and spirits, and for
many years enjoyed the Highland winters instead of
suffering from them. It was one of his peculiarities that
out of doors he always wore a cloak reaching nearly to his

298 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

heels — a light one in summer, and a heavy " clo " or felted
one in winter. Between gratis doctoring1, reading books,
botanising, carrying on a big correspondence with the
Chief Justice of Jamaica — Mr. Grant of Kilgraston — as
well as with other friends in that island, superintending his
farm and estate, and discussing with the philosophers and
politicians he met at Taymouth, time did not hang heavy
on his hands. He was a most popular and beloved land-
lord ; but all his tenants knew that while he let them have
their holdings on easy terms, they must all punctually pay
their rents in money, butter, straw, flax, eggs, and poultry,
as agreed upon ; or else be well reprimanded. It was con-
sidered a heinous crime to give the Big Doctor a real
cause of offence, or to fail in duty towards him ; although,
as far as a bit of chaffing scolding from him was concerned,
they rather courted than evaded that.

Dr. David had not made much money in Jamaica ; for
all he brought back with him of his own saving scarcely
exceeded £2,000. Miss Kitty used to tease him about his
want of success ; but he encouraged his sisters to tease him
as much as they liked. Soon after his return — his shepherd
lad when an old man told me the story — a young M 'Gregor
who was about to emigrate to the West Indies, called on
him to bid farewell, and receive some letters of introduction.
This emigrating young man was the son of Gregor the
Handsome — Griogair Boidheach — a once celebrated soldier
of the Black Watch. He was, therefore, either the uncle or
father — I think the father — of Sir Gregor who married
Bolivar's sister and, in George the Fourth's reign, figured in
London as Prince of Poyais. "What makes you," asked
Miss Kitty, of M'Gregor, " wish to leave your native land?"

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 299

" I wish," he replied," to go to make my fortune." " And
do you think," said she, "that any one who goes to the
West Indies can make a fortune if he tries his best ? " " Yes,
indeed," replied the confident fortune-seeker. The conver-
sation was in Gaelic, and at this part of it Miss Kitty
laughingly pointed to her brother and said : " Mo thruaighe*
'n duine bochd so, mata. Bha e deich bliadhna fichead an
Jamaica, s cha d'rinn e moran beartais." — " Pity this poor
man here, then ; for he was thirty years in Jamaica and
made little profit of it." The unruffled Laird laughed back
and said : " Mar d'rinn mi beartas an Jamaica, fhuair mi
taigh Ian dar thainig mi dhachaigh. Agus is e comhnadh
dhaoin eile, agus gu'm bu docha learn ceartas is onoir na
beartas agus or, a chum cho bochd mi." — " If I made no
wealth in Jamaica, I found a full house on coming home
And it was helping others, and that I preferred justice and
honour to wealth and gold which kept me so poor."

The Black Colonel, by lending the minister of Fortingall
£110 for his son's education, opened for Sir David Macara
the door of his noble career. He aided others as well as
his clachan favourite by money and influence. Dr. David
followed the same plan of aiding those who had talent, once
they got a start, for aiding themselves, and reflecting credit
on their friends. Young men in search of their fortunes
from his father's estate and native parish began to follow
him to Jamaica soon after he established himself there.
He became, in course of time, a sort of Gaelic chief sur-
rounded by a following of his own in that island. He gave
his help and advice to many more who emigrated to the
West Indies after his return ; and in truth, a connection of
rather a close kind between Jamaica and Fortingall con-

300 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON,

tinued fifty years after his death, and has scarcely terminated
yet. Although not at all so much influenced by Highland
sentiments as the colonel and captain were in their day, a
good deal of clannishness stuck to the Big Doctor to the
end. He looked upon the then landless William Campbell
of Duneaves, and not upon his own sisters' son, as, after
himself, the true representative of the Campbells of Glen-
lyon ; and it was supposed that, had not the colonel's entail
interfered, he would have preferred to leave the property to
this Campbell male heir, so as to keep up the old name.
Be that as it may, he helped with might and main the
brothers Archibald and Duncan, sons of Captain Campbell,
at one time factor for the commissioners for the forfeited
estates on the Struan property in Rannoch, to get proper
education and afterwards commissions in the army. The
father of these lads was the son of Duncan Campbell,
tenant of Milton Eonan, who was a younger son of John
Campbell of Duneaves. Archibald, the elder of the two,
•became a general in the army, the conqueror of Ava, and a
baronet of the united kingdom. He bought the Garth
estate from General Stewart's heirs, but he subsequently
resold it. Duncan, who was paymaster of his regiment,
retired with the rank of captain, and died unmarried at
Perth.

The trial of Meria and others at Edinburgh in 1793, for
spreading the works of Tom Paine, and organising sedition,
and the vapourings of the Convention of the Friends of the
People, which was held in the Scottish capital that year, as
well as the atrocities which were being perpetrated in France,
and the ill success with which the allies carried on the war,
produced so much alarm and anger, too, throughout these

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 301

islands, that peaceful men like the Laird of Glenlyon left
their avocations and seclusions to serve their country in
one way or another. The Laird, in 1794, accepted the
office of Deputy-Lieutenant, which he formerly declined.
Here is one of his letters to the Duke of Athole reporting
defensive progress : —

" MY LORD,

Your Lordship will please receive, herewith, lists of the
subscribers in the several districts of the parish of Kenmore, and de-
tached parts of the parishes of Dull and Weem, being within the
division allotted for me as one of your Grace's Deputy-Lieutenants ;
amounting to 126 well-affected men. From these I have selected, as
per separate list, 30 men, who, in my opinion, are proper men to be ap-
pointed as extraordinary peace-officers, and to have batons. Your
Grace will, perhaps, think these too many. In that event the number
may be reduced to 17 only. But considering the local situation of the
districts, their extent and distances from each other, I think there can
be no less than two extraordinary peace-officers in every district, ex-
cept Roro. The districts in which three are stated are as large and
populous as two of the others, and there are in each sufficient men to
attend as assistants or ordinary constables, if it shall happen that they
shall be called to attend on any occasion ; which, indeed, the estab-
lishment of such a system is calculated to render more improbable.
From my own knowledge of the inhabitants, I have no doubt of their
loyalty to the king and constitution. There are few families, over all
the country, who have not either sons or grandsons in Lord Breadal-
bane's Fencibles and other corps ; and on that account, and other-
wise, they are all well-affected to King and Government, and avowed
enemies to the French. I have kept a list of the subscribers, and
when your Grace will say and fix as to the number of extraordinary
peace-officers, I shall name and appoint their assistants, and authorise
the peace-officers to call them out, if necessary. But I am not, in the
least, apprehensive of any trouble, as we have no seditious or dis-
affected people amongst us.

" There are held at the village of Killin six public fairs yearly, and as
many in the village of Kenmore. These fairs are guarded, at Lord

302 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Breadalbane's expense, by twenty-four well-affected men, and an officer
in each place, who, with halberts, patrol twice every fair day to keep
peace and good order, &c. These we can call to our assistance if any
riots or tumults should occur ; but I am not apprehensive of any such
happening.

" Your Grace's further commands shall be duly attended to. And I
am, with great respect and esteem,

" My Lord,
44 Your Grace's Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant,

"DAVID CAMPBELL.
" GLENLYON HOUSE, tyh Oct., 1794."

Although the Highlanders of Perthshire were avowed
enemies to the French, and loyal to the king and constitu-
tion, they intensely disliked military conscription, while
ready enough to volunteer into army, militia, and fencibles
to any extent. I am not very sure as to the year in which
the Session Books Riot occurred at Fortingall ; but I think
it must have been in 1793, when the supplementary militia
was first raised. If that was the date, the Doctair Mor had
a special cause for emphatically testifying to the loyalty of
the people of his district, and to vouch for it that there was
no cause for fearing further riots. The Session Books Riot
was almost exclusively a foolish ebullition of enraged alarm
on the part of ignorant mothers who feared all their sons
would be taken from them, and thought they could save
them by destroying the books in which their ages were
recorded. Peter Macnaughton, better known as Para
Muileir^ was almost the only Glenlyon man who joined in
the affair. He brought with him down to Fortingall a
score of angry women. A dozen of old men came from
Rannoch at the head of a large company of women ; and a

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 303

detachment of Bolfracks rioters, mostly women also, joined
the other two bodies. The object was simply to go to
Thomas Butter, the schoolmaster and session clerk, and
take the books from him. The Fortingall people themselves
had no hand in the affair. Mr. William Stewart, younger,
of Garth, having received an hour's warning of what was
coming, hastened to Fortingall, got the books from Butten
and went off with them to Glenlyon House. The rioters
were close on his heels. Butter told them he had given up
the books to the magistrates, and that they were then at
Glenlyon House. " And what right have the magistrates
to the kirk books, and what right had you to give them
up ? " shouted the rioters. Then others cried out — " He
must come with us and demand them back." That pro-
posal was received with acclaim. Butter, who was lame,
said he could not go unless he got a horse. Unfortunately
for him, the rioters finding a cabar which suited their pur-
pose, made him ride the stang, saying jeeringly, " What a
good horse — what a prancing steed ? Take care he does
not throw you over Alt-Odhair Bridge." The poor man
was nearly frightened to death, and keeping him still on
his cabar, they made him, when they reached Glenlyon
House, ask re-delivery of his books, and he did ask it for
mercy's sake before they would kill him. The rioters
would not listen to reason, and Mr. William of Garth,
holding up the books in his hands, before them all, dared
them to take them. A virago from Rannoch immediately
threw a plaid over his head, and the books disappeared —
the one to be found damaged by weather in a bush in the
glebe some months afterwards, and the other never to be
recovered. Of course the many women and few men who

304 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

took part in this riot were thoroughly ashamed of them-
selves, as soon as they understood that militia lists could
be made up without the parish registers.

Up to the end of 1800, the old Laird, thanks to his
vigorous constitution and healthy habits, wonderfully re-
sisted the ravages of time, and actively attended to his
public and private duties. The hard winter of 1804 told
upon him severely. It killed his sister, Miss Kitty, Miss
Mary being dead long before. Miss Kitty, as long as she
lived, never allowed her brother to mope from want of
mental exercise and the use of his tongue. After her death
his life and house were not so cheerful as they used to be.
He gave up his active life by degrees, feeling stiff and
weakened in body, but strong and clear in mind almost to
the last.

He died in 1806, at the advanced age of 85.

As the old Laird outlived his Balneaves nephews, who
left no legitimate issue, his grandnephew, Francis Garden,
son of Peter Garden of Delgaty — afterwards of Troup —
and of his niece, Catherine Balneaves, became his heir.
Francis Garden, who, on succeeding his granduncle, as-
sumed the additional surname and arms of Campbell, was
succeeded by his son Francis, who died in 1826. This
second Francis was succeeded by a son of the same name,
who died in 1848. He was succeeded by his only son the
fourth Francis Garden Campbell of Troup and Glenlyon,
who sold his Glenlyon property to Sir Donald Currie in
1885.

XXX.

ON the 26th May, 1885, the tenantry of Glenlyon
estate met together at the old mansion house to
present an address of welcome to the new Laird on his enter-
ing into possession of the property. Shortly before two
o'clock the tenants assembled in large numbers from the
Glenlyon estate, from Garth, and from Breadalbane, and a
most hearty welcome was accorded to Sir Donald Currie
and Lady Currie when they entered the grounds.

Mr. Donald M'Dougall, Drumchary, in the name of the
tenantry, presented the following address, remarking in
the course of his speech that the two estates of Garth and
Glenlyon being now united the Laird could say — 'S learn
fhein an gleann, 's learn fhein na ttiann — the glen's my own
and all that's in it : —

To SIR DONALD CUPRIE, K.C.M.G., M.P., OF GARTH
AND GLENLYON.

We. the tenants of your newly acquired estate of Glenlyon, beg to
offer you our most hearty welcome on the occasion of your first visit to
us as our landlord, and to congratulate you on the possession of so
beautiful, compact, and historical a property as the combined estates
of Garth and Glenlyon. Our knowledge of, and acquaintance with
you hitherto, as our neighbouring proprietor, and the great interest
you have always taken in everything which tends to the good of the
whole community of the district, give us such confidence in you that
we are both proud and happy in having you as our landlord. We feel
that you will be a worthy successor to our late esteemed laird, and

U

306 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

that you will always have the greatest pleasure in seeing us prosperous
and contented under you. We shall endeavour to do our duty towards
you as our landlord, conscientiously and heartily, and will, as far as
lies in our power, try to increase your enjoyment in your estate and
people. We wish you, sir, and your family, long life and happiness to
enjoy your fine Highland estate.

26th May, 1885.

After the presentation, speeches were also made by Mr
Archibald M'Gregor, tenant of the Glenlyon Home Farm,
and by Mr. Peter Haggart of Keltnie Burn as representing
the Garth tenants.

Sir Donald Currie, in acknowledging the address, said :
• — My good friends, I thank you cordially for your hearty
welcome, and for your good wishes in connection with my
possession of the estate of Glenlyon. It gives me great
pleasure to acknowledge your warm expression of confi-
dence, and your assurance that you will do what may lie
in your power to add to my happiness amongst you. Let
me assure you that one inducement to join Glenlyon with
Garth was the desire of myself and my family to help for-
ward your prosperity. There is certainly the satisfaction of
creating a more compact property by the union of the two
estates; but at this moment, from a financial point of view,
there is not much encouragement to invest money in land.
We stand here upon historic ground. In olden times this
part of the Highlands was the scene of many fierce and
sanguinary struggles, the people suffering terribly. Times
are, however, changed. We are no longer exposed to the
risks of former days, or forced to depend upon feudal ties.
Happily, we are free from clan strife and the violence of
authority. As I have often said publicly, the tenant farmers

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 307

of the country are entitled to have a business-like connec-
tion with their proprietors. On the other hand, the land-
lords may fairly claim to have their rights considered from
a business point of view. You have alluded to my course
of action since Garth came into my hands, and I am grate-
ful to you for the expression of your confidence that I will
act justly to my new tenantry. Unfortunately, the relations
between landlord and tenant in Scotland, as in England
and Ireland, have been such as to call for the intervention
of Parliament. I have no intention to introduce politics,
but in view of your position as tenant farmers, and as you
have referred to past legislation, I may remark that we
have yet to dispose of some questions connected with land
tenure in consequence of the changed condition of agricul-
tural affairs. It is quite true, as has been said, that the
alteration of the Law of Entail has enabled the late
proprieter to dispose of Glenlyon as he desired to do.
For my part, I am now experiencing the effects of the
Agricultural Holdings Act, by the necessary and proper
settlement of the compensation for unexhausted improve-
ments claimed by the outgoing tenant of the Home
Farm. The abolition of Hypothec takes away from me
and from other landlords — and I am glad of it — any
chance of dealing in that direction harshly as a pro-
prietor ; and in a district where it is easy to raise a
crop of hares and rabbits, I daresay there is no small
satisfaction among you that you now enjoy the advantages
of the Ground Game Act for which I voted in Parlia-
ment. You may remember that on the day of the
address being presented to me by the tenants of Garth,
at the time I purchased that property, the tenants were

3o8 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

told that they were free to enjoy the privileges of the
Act then passed into law, during the currency of their
existing leases ; and on that occasion I was glad to
be able to accord the same privileges to the farmers
at Cluny, in Strathtay, where I had a lease as shooting
tenant for 8 or 10 years to come. Your future material
and moral prosperity will not depend upon legislation so
much as upon yourselves ; but I may indicate to you how
agricultural interests may yet be dealt with in such a way
as to secure your interests and my own as tenants and
proprietor. We may hope ere long to obtain a simplifica-
tion of the system of transfer of property ; the total aboli-
tion of the remnant of hypothec ; some modification of the
scope of the Ground Game Act ; and amendments in the
Agricultural Holdings Act, now that we know the points
on which that Act is not sufficiently explicit or comprehen-
sive. Hitherto it has been the boast of Scottish farmers that
they do not require, as in Ireland, an appeal to a Land
Court for the fixing of rent or adjustment of difficulties be-
tween them and their landlords. In my humble judgment
the Scottish tenant farmer is endowed with good sense,
and is clever enough to be able to make a bargain for
himself. In this district I hardly believe you would
care to have a Land Court, with all the expenses in-
cidental thereto, for the simple reason that from time
immemorial you have been accustomed to depend upon
neighbours of judgment and discretion to act as arbiters
when differences arose. If, however, it should appear to
be the general wish of tenant farmers to have a Land
Court, or valuators appointed by the Sheriff in order to
give legal sanction to such references to arbitration, there is

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 309

no reason why this Court of Appeal, open to landlords and
tenants alike, should not be established. There is one
point which, without any reference to party politics, I may
allude to ; it is to legislation directed specially in favour of
crofters in Scotland, and I should like to hear from any of
you who are interested in this matter, and indeed from
others in the county of Perth, whether it is considered
necessary or desirable to include our county within the
operations of the proposed Act. It has been said in the
newspapers that, with all the need there is for improve-
ments in the estate of Glenlyon, it is to be hoped that the
proprietor will not improve the people off the face of the
earth. I am quite sure of one thing — there is much need
of improvement all over the estate ; but as there is no Bill
passed to give the landlord compensation for his improve-
ments, exhausted or unexhausted — for the only place in
which his bills for improvements can be passed is through
the Bank — the best return he can look for will be the con-
viction in your minds, and in his own, that he has not been
neglectful of the responsibilities attaching to his position.
The people of Glenlyon are placed in the midst of lovely
and impressive scenery, unrivalled throughout Scotland.
Let me express the hope that the district may be equally
renowned for its social and moral excellence.

The Rev. David Campbell, minister of the parish of
Fortingall, said that, hearing of the movement among the
tenantry on the Glenlyon House estate, he had the desire
to come and tender Sir Donald his good wishes with the
others. He had also been requested, on behalf of the people
on the estate, to tender their good wishes on this occasion
to Lady Currie and the others of the family, and wish fot

310 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

them long life and happiness in connection with this addi-
tion to the family property. And he did this very readily
because he knew that these good wishes were well be-
stowed. He knew that Lady Currie would take that interest
in the people on the Glenlyon estate which the lady of the
manor naturally takes in those about her, and which she
had taken since she had come to Garth. She had taken
an interest in the young, and in those whose circumstances
claimed the good offices of neighbour and friend. Standing
as they did there before that old house of Tullichmullin,
Sir Donald would permit to some of them a sentiment of
sadness that the place was no longer to be connected with
the old name with which it was associated so long. But
changes would take place, and since there \vas to be a
change there it was desirable in all respects that the estates
of Garth and Glenlyon House should become one posses-
sion. They were so mixed up and mingled together that
there was great inconvenience experienced. Sir Donald
would be welcomed because he had shown that he took an
interest in the people and was desirous for their comfort
and happiness. No doubt among some of the humbler
homesteads upon such an estate as this, one of the chief
features of whose history had been an absence of disturb-
ance or change, there might be natural apprehension lest
new lairds should make new laws, and that more or less
disturbance might be the result. But he felt assured that
in whatever Sir Donald did in that respect he would have
in view the people's good. While he had no sympathy
with the cry which was raised in some places of " Down
with landlordism," at the same time they would probably
agree with him that the prolonged or permanent absence

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 31 1

of landlords from their estates was to be deprecated. There
was scarcely anything that would fully make up for the
proprietor's absence. Factors were in many instances
admirable men, and rilled their often difficult posts well.
Shooting tenants were also all very well — at least some of
them were — but what was most to be desired was that the
proprietor should pass a considerable portion of his time at
home among his people ; and for a considerable portion of
the year at least they were glad to think that Sir Donald
and Lady Currie and their family would be resident on the
Barony of Garth and Glenlyon.

Sir Donald proposed the health of Colonel Campbell,
the late proprietor of Glenlyon, which was received with
acclamation. After dark, bonfires were lit on the emi-
nences above Glenlyon and Drumchary, and as the night
was clear they were seen from a long distance.

XXXI.

AT the time of the purchase of the estate by Sir Donald
Currie, the boundaries of Glenlyon and Garth inter-
sected in an irregular and inconvenient manner, and as
regards certain outlying portions of the moorland some
uncertainty prevailed with respect to the rights of the laird
of Glenlyon and the claims of neighbouring proprietors.
The estate of Glenlyon was by no means a compact one, a
considerable portion being entirely separated from the rest
by the lands of Garth. Indeed the large extent of 2801
acres of the hill ground was held in common between Glen-
lyon and Garth ; and 5 1 1 acres known as Rynacra, and
situated to the north-east of the Garth property, at a con-
siderable distance from the Glenlyon moor, were held in
common between the proprietor of Glenlyon and the
Marquis of Breadalbane. It was in the north-western
corner of Glenlyon estate that the question of boundaries
was a source of confusion and dispute. In one case, com-
mon ownership of 351 acres was claimed both by Glen-
lyon and Lassintullich ; and in another there were conflict-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 313

ing claims by Dunalastair and Glenlyon with regard to
the ownership of about 238 acres on the slopes of Craig-
an-Earra.

Naturally it is the desire of proprietors to have the
boundaries of their estates defined, and joint rights of
ownership eliminated. The complication in the case of
Lassintullich was settled by the purchase by Sir Donald
Currie of the rights claimed by Mr. Greig the proprietor
of that estate. The controversy between Dunalastair and
Glenlyon estates as to the respective rights of Dunala-
stair and Glenlyon upon Craig-an-Earra was also brought
to a settlement. The new proprietor of Dunalastair, Mr.
H. T. Tennent, claimed that he had a joint proprietary right
with the owner of Glenlyon in the Craig-an-Earra ground, his
predecessors having from time to time shot over the ground,
while, on the other hand, it was maintained on behalf of Sir
Donald, that the estate of Dunalastair was entitled to a
servitude of grazing only, in virtue of a Decrect Arbitral,
dated 1723.

In order to have an authoritative decision of the matter
in dispute, it was mutually agreed between Mr. Tennent
and Sir Donald Currie that the question should be referred
to the arbitration of the then Lord Advocate, the Right
Hon. J. B. Balfour, M.P., who in due time gave the following
Award :

Edinburgh, 6th August, 1886.

Having considered the statements for the parties, productions and
whole process, I find that Sir Donald Currie, as proprietor of the
Estate of Glenlyon, has the sole and exclusive right of property in and

3 H THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

to the piece of ground in question, extending to about 238 or 241 acres,
being the southmost portion of the ground known as Craig-an-Earra,
and that Mr. Tennent, as proprietor of Easter Tempar, forming part
of the domain of Dunalastair, has no right of property in the said
ground, but only a right of pasturage over the same, and that conse-
quently Sir Donald Currie has the sole and exclusive right of shooting
over the said piece of ground and decerns.

(Signed) J. B. BALFOUR.

The right of pasturage which belonged to Mr. Tennent
was afterwards transferred by him to Sir Donald Currie
by friendly arrangement.

The eastern slope of Craig-an-Earra, extending to 96
acres, and known as the Shiellings of Comrie, was the pro-
perty of the Marquis of Breadalbane, but by agreement
with Sir Donald Currie, this ground was purchased for the
Glenlyon estate and added to it.

With a view to the compactness of the two estates of
Garth and Glenlyon respectively, Sir Donald Currie divided
the two properties by distinct boundaries, transferring to
Garth the Glenlyon commonty rights on the moorland,
formerly held between the two estates, and placing Rynacra
commonty ground within the Garth property. The lands
'of Easter Drumchary and Nether Blairish which formed
detached portions of Glenlyon, fitted in more naturally
as parts of Garth, and were consequently taken from
the one estate and added to the other. The land ac-
quired from Lassintullich and Breadalbane by purchase,
as well as that of Craig-an-Earra referred to in the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

315

award of the Lord Advocate were added to the estate of
Glenlyon.

Sir Donald Currie has further redeemed the feu
duties and casualties of superiority exigible from both
estates.

APPENDIX.

GLENLYON BROOCH (FRONTISPIECE AND PAGE 289).

THE Glenlyon Brooch, represented in the frontispiece, and referred to
at page 289, is described by Thomas Pennant in his "Tour in Scotland,"
anno 1771. He states that Colonel Campbell of Glenlyon, showed him
" a very antient brotche, which the Highlanders use like the fibula of
the Romans to fasten their vest ; it is made of silver, is round, with
a bar cross the middle, from whence are two tongues to fasten the
folds of the garments ; one side is studded with pearl or coarse gems
in a very rude manner ; on the other the names of the three kings of
Cologne, Caspar, Melchior, Balthazar, with the word Consummatum.
It was probably a consecrated brotche, and worn, not only for use,
but as an amulet. Keysler's account of the virtues attributed to their
names confirms my opinion. He says that they were written on slips
of paper in this form, worn as preservatives against the falling sick-
ness : —

" Caspar fert Myrrham, Thus Melchior) Balthazar Aurum,
Solvitur a morbo Christi pie fate caduco"

That is to say :—

" Caspar brings myrrh, Melchior incense, Balthazar gold,
By the mercy of Christ one is set free from the falling sickness."

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 317

With reference to the walking-staff also represented on the frontis-
piece, Mr. Pennant makes the following observations : — * ' Saw at the
house of Colonel Campbell of Glenlyon, a curious walking-staff,
belonging to one of his ancestors ; it was iron cased in leather, five
feet long ; at the top a neat pair of extended wings like a caduceus ;
but, on being shaken, a poniard, two feet nine inches long, darted
out. "

ROUND TOWERS (PAGE 3).

Glenlyon tradition strongly points to these round forts, having been all
lofty and roofed edifices, but the diameter of the Cashlie forts is too
great for any beam to cover it. Others are so small that they could
have been topped easily enough by a beehive roof.

ST. EONAN (PAGE 5).

St. Eonan is St. Adamnan, the biographer of St. Columba, and Abbot
of lona. St. Adamnan was expelled by his monks because he yielded
to Rome on the tonsure and Easter questions. It is not so sure that he
ever got restored to his place in lona, or that it was there he was first
buried. After a time, indeed, his bones are found now in lona and then
in Ireland. But his first place of burial might have been Dull. There is
no doubt that an abbey and church were established there in St. Adam-
nan's honour. Adamnan means " little Adam" — inGaelic Adhamhnan,
which sound pretty much the same as Eonan. No sooner had I told
the legend in the form in which it was usually recited, than Iain Mor
Mac Bob gave another version of it to me in rather old Gaelic which I
translated as follows: — Calum of Kells brought a company of Gillean De,
servants of God, or Culdees — from Erinn to preach the Peace-message
to the Gael of the West. In li, the little isle at the nose of Mull, the
holy men took up their abode. There they built a church and a
common habitation, and there they opened schools, and Calum of
Kells was their chief or Abba. When these Gillean De had converted
most of the chiefs, and great numbers of the people of the Gael of the
West, Calum of Kells called the Gillean De together, and said, " Who
of you will cross Drumalban and preach to the men of Alban the Peace-
message of our Lord ? " And twelve of the Gillean De rose forthwith,
offering to go ; and Calum of Kells blessed them ; and they set out and

3l8 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

marched together, even until they reached the cairn of Drumalban,
and there they separated, each following a different stream and pass
into the country of Alban. Eonan was one of the twelve, and from
the cairn of Drumalban he followed the pass which led him to Glen-
lyon ; but it was not then called Glenlyon at all. Its name was
" Gleann dubh crom nan garbh chlach " — black crooked glen of large
stones. Eonan built a church, and preached the Peace-message ; and
at first the men of the Glen would listen to him not, but preferred the
ways of their fathers. Eonan then built a mill turned by water, and
there had been no such mill in the Glen ever before ; and all the grain
had till then be ground by "clacban brathan" (querns); and the
people of the Glen began to think much of him, and to listen to him,
and to be baptized. He lived among them until they were all made
Christians, and they honoured him greatly ; and when he was dying,
they asked, " Where he wished to be buried ? " He replied to them
that as soon as he had given up his soul they should place his body on
a bier, and run " lunnan •" — bearing sticks — through rings of withs —
" dullan " — attached to the bier, and then taking him up they should
carry him down the water, until a ring of withs — " dul" — broke. And
when the first " dul" of the bier broke, then he wished them to bury
him. So when Eonan gave up his soul the men of the Glen did as he
told them. And soon after they passed the running together of the
rivers Lyon and Tay, the first ring broke, and there they buried him,
and named the spot " Dul." The name of Eonan was great among the
people of Alban, and the Gillean De of the land of Alban, who were
many of them his disciples, built a church over his grave, and a com-
mon house and schools in its near vicinity. After that the high king of
Alban gave to the Gillean De of Dul, and the father or abba they had
set over themselves, a city of refuge girth, which was marked out by large
stones, and also a large lordship, which, until this day, is called Appin-
Dhul (Abthania de Dul ?) or the Abba-Land of Dul. Great waxed the
fame of the schools kept by the Gillean De of Dul. To them flocked
the sons of kings, princes, and heroes in the land of Alban ; and Dul
and St. Eonan were to the people of Alban what Calum of Kells
and the little li at the nose of Mull were to the Gael of the West.
Afterwards troubles arose and changes came. The common home and
the schools were removedfrom Dul to Dunchaillion(Dunkeld),andafter-
wards to Kilribhein CSt. Andrews), where the schools are yet, although
the Gillean De went out of sight long long ago,

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 319

Old John had also a semi-poetic account of the stopping of the
plague, which I did not translate, as it was in substance just the same
as that which I had already given. I should think the Glenlyon
people must have been accustomed in Catholic times, to services
on St. Eonan's day, of which the above legend used to be part. St.
Adamnan died in 703.

CRAIG-DIANAIDH (PAGE 6).

The etymological spelling given by Mr John Cameron, who forty
years ago was schoolmaster at Innervar, is adopted here. It yields a
natural enough meaning, but the country people always call this rock
Craig-fhiannaidh, that is the " Rock of the Feinne," which conforms
quite as well to the undoubted fact that it was a place on which judicial
and other solemn meetings were held in very ancient times, and con-
tinued to be held until about 1480, or some years later when Stewart
of Garth and the Clan Iver quarrelled and fought as related by General
Stewart. On the top of this rock where the judge sat, there is what
is called the footmark of Peallaidh, or St. Palladius. who was sent from
Rome to convert the Irish in 432, but who, not being well received in
the neighbouring isle, came to the land of the Picts where he died.
Aberfeldy, Obair, or Aber-Pheallaidh receives its name from this early
saint, who towards the east coast turns into Paldy, and even into Paddy.
St. Eonan's cross, which marked the spot where he stopped, or was
supposed to have stoped the plague, is a little to the west of the rock
by the roadside. Some fanatic broke off the arms and top of it, pro-
bably at the time of the covenant ; but on the broken shaft a rude
figure of a cross was incised by some one who cherished old traditions.
Inverinnian, some miles to the east of Cray-fhiannaidh, and on the
other side of the river, is apparently named after St. Ninian, but the
water-fall there is called after Peallaidh or Palladius, and so is a stone
seat to which formerly miraculous qualities were attributed. At In-
nervar was a chapel dedicated to a doubtful saint. The little burial
place which marks the spot has now received the name of Claodh-
Ghunna, which is perhaps the degraded form into which " Claodh-
Ghuinoch " has degenerated. Below the churchyard is a sacred well or
"tiobart," There was an "annait" or relic chapel at Balnahannait,

320 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

and another at the very head of the Glen near the ridge of Drumalban,
but to what saints these were dedicated deponent cannot say.

THE CHAPEL BUILT BY ST. EONAN (PAGE 8).

WE may accept the tradition without hesitation that it was St. Eonan,
01 Adamnan, who, in his years of exile from the Monastery of lona,
built the Chapel of " Branboth " Breanvo, or, as it is now called,
" Brennudh," near the Bridge of Balgie. Notwithstanding the prior
claims of Saints Palladius, Ninian, and others, Adamnan made himself,
without any mistake, the patron Saint of Glenlyon. The traditions
about him remained so vividly clear and strong, notwithstanding many
ways of rehearsing them in detail, that he must have had a living per-
sonal connection with the place, and done things attributed to him,
such as the building of the chapel on the rising ground called still
" Druim-na-h-eaglais," just where the farm-house of Kerrumore now
stands, and putting a mill on the stream of the neighbouring side-glen
at Milton Eonan. It is supposed that he dedicated his chapel to St.
Brandan, of voyaging and travelling fame, but this is a little doubtful,
in the third volume of Celtic Scotland, page 271, Dr. Skene, quoting
from the chartulary of the Priory of St. Andrews, says : — " In the time
of Alexander the Third, Dul and Foterkel " (Dull and Fortingall, in-
cluding Foss and Glenlyon), " remained still Crown lands, but the
Church of Dul, with its Chapels of Foss and Branboth, in Glenlyon,
belonged to Malcolm, Earl of Athole, who, after the death of William,
his cleric, granted them to the Priory of St. Andrews." The Chapel of
Branboth was removed from Druim-na-h-eaglais to the present church-
yard by Black John after 1368, because, owing to the bog between the
old and new sites, his wife, Janet, the cousin of King David Bruce,
complained that she could not in all weathers go to her devotions
without wetting her feet. St. Eonan built his Chapel near the only
stone circle in Glenlyon. The stones of this circle have been removed
within my memory. The place is called " Clachaig."

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 32!

THE FIRST LAIRD OF GLENLYON (PAGE 9).

The very first Laird of Glenlyon was William Olifant, who received a
grant of the ^40 lands thereof from King Robert Bruce. Till then,
Glenlyon had always been Crown land. At page 558 of Vol. II.
Exchequer Rolls, John of Inchmartin, Sheriff of Perth, debits himself
for forty shillings received for the forty pound lands, quas dominus
Willelmus Olifant, tenet in Glenlyotm^ which Sir William Olifant holds
in Glenlyon.

BLACK JOHN.

The Register of the Great Seal records, in 1368, the giving of Glen-
lyon, by King David Bruce, to John of Lome, and his wife. Janet, who
is described as being the King's cousin. The grant is confirmed in
1372, apparently on Janet's death. It is here the story of the " dalta "
ought to come in ; unless, indeed, the connection of Campbell's step-
son was with John of Lome's successor. John of Lome, to whom David
Bruce granted Glenlyon, was a Macdougal, but his daughter and heiress
carried most of his property to her husband, John Stewart, Lord of
Lome, who, perhaps, was, after all, the Black John of Glenlyon tradi-
tion, and the father of seven sons. The first Campbell Laird of Glen-
orchy, Cailean Dubh na Roimhe, " Black Colin of Rome," married the
eldest of the three daughters of the last Stewart Lord of Lome, and his
son, Sir Duncan, inherited through his mother a duchas or hereditary
right to Glenlyon. James the Third, however, granted, in 1477, Glen- ,
lyon an'd Glenquaich on lease to Stewart of Garth. The lease of nine-
teen years terminated in 1495, and on the 7th September, 1502, Sir
Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy received a Crown charter of the
disputed barony for himself in liferent, and in fee for his younger
son, Archibald, called

" GILLEASBAIG GLAS."

This " Pale Archibald " was only a boy when his father, " The Good
Knight," fell at Flodden. Archibald married the heiress of Kil-
moriche, and some bard composed a ballad of no great merit, some
verses of which came down orally from 1520 to my own time. It
opened thus : —

x

3-2 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Ghilleasbaig mhic Dhonnachaidh,
Thilg thu 'n urchair ud ceart,
Killamhairrche 's Gleannliomhunn,
Dh' aon sgriob ann ad chairt.

THE CLAN GREGOR

WHILE we have a good deal of literature, both prose and verse, in
English and Gaelic about the long war waged by the Clan Gregor against
the State, and the persecution they suffered in consequence of that war,
it still remains for Mr. Skene, or some other historical antiquary, to
throw light upon the origin of the war, and of the clan itself. The Mac-
gregors claim descent from Kenneth and Alpin, but, as far as we can
learn from records, their surname only dates from the beginning of the
fifteenth century. No doubt the Dean of Lismore, or his curate, puts
down in the Chronicle of Fortingall the death of John Gregory — that
is, son of Gregor — of Glenorchy in 1390, but we suspect very strongly
that this was a reflex name, and that John's son, Gregor, who died in
1414, was the chief from whom his tribe took their surname. But by
what designation were they known before ? The Robertsons, who
were called Clan Donnachaidh from the time of Bannockburn till 1440,
then called themselves after their chief, Robert, of fighting celebrity.
Such changes of clan surnames were, indeed, rather conmon ; but the
curious thing about the Macgregors is that their history antecedent to
the end of the fourteenth century cannot be traced at all, and that in
the next century they are found to be a very large scattered tribe war-
ring with society, and developing a great deal of heroism and poetry
in their state of lawless savagery. Donnacha Beag — little Duncan —
he grandfather of that John who died in 1390, and who therefore prob-
ably lived as late as 1370, was the first of the line of chiefs of whom
the bard, Mac Gilliondaig, " am fear dan," ever heard. Now Mac
Gilliondaig composed his song in praise of Malcolm, the then chief of
the clan, at least twenty years before the Dean of Lismore's brother
Duncan wrote down the pedigree of John, the grandson of Malcolm,
"from the books of the genealogists of the Kings," as he says, and it
is Duncan whom we first find putting forth the claim of descent from
King Kenneth Mac Alpin, ot which tfie older bard makes no mention
whatever. Duncan's pedigree is absurd on the face of it. Backward
from the then living chief, Black John (who died in 1519), he gives the
links right enough to Donnacha Beag. Here they are : — "John the

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 323

son of Patrick, the son of Malcolm, the son of Black John, the son of
John, the son of Gregor, the son of John, the son of Malcolm
he son of Duncan the Little" — eight generations in one hundred
and fifty years. And how does he link Duncan with Kenneth
Mac Alpin? As follows :— " Duncan the son of Duncan from
Stirling, the son of Gilfillan, the son of Hugh of Orchay (Glenorchay),
the son of Kenneth, the son of Alpin, and this Kenneth was head
King of Scotland in truth at that time ; and this John is the
eleventh man from Kenneth of whom I spoke." While the eight later
descents are crowded into one hundred and fifty years, the other four
between Duncan the Little and King Kenneth were generously allowed
five hundred years among them. The Irish genealogies given by Mr.
Skene are wonderfully correct in most instances up to the thirteenth
or even twelfth century, but that of the Macgregors, which differs con-
siderably from the above pedigree, is not of much value except as re-
gards the grouping of clans into stocks. Let us always bear in mind
that clans only began to be formed when the old Celtic system began
to break down, and the Celtic Kings were followed by Kings of Fife
and the Lothians.

At the end of the fifteenth century there were three leading families
of the clan, namely the Macgregors of Glenstrae, who had long been
connected with Glenorchy, and the Macgregors of Roro in Glenlyon
and of Bealach in Breadalbane. As to the latter two, the Macgregors of
Roro were tenants, or rather what the Irish would call " middlemen,"
who farmed from the feudal lord, Menzies of Weem, the Glenlyon
"Toiseachd" granted to his ancestors by Robert or David Bruce.
They were cadets of the Glenorchy family, and their settlement in
Glenlyon cannot be placed earlier than the year 1368, when King
David granted that Glen to John of Lome, " and our cousin Janet his
wife." The local tradition is constant that John of Lome, or " Iain
Dubh nan lann," first brought in this family as his henchmen. The
history of the Bealach Macgregors is obscure. From indications in
charters, we should say they were people who squatted on the lands
of the monks of Scone, and gave a vast deal of trouble before they were
forcibly evicted in the sixteenth century. The Glenstrae Macgregors
were, when light falls upon them, feudal vassals of the Earl of Argyll,
but although poor in regard to landed possessions, they were chiefs or
captains of a great clan — so great that it must have taken centuries to
form it. The clan poems found in the Dean of Lismore's collection

324 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

show clearly enough that the war with feudal laws, and the raids and
slaughters that attended these, were in full swing during the fourteenth
century, although Scottish history, while saying much about the Mac-
donalds and others, is perfectly silent about the Macgregors. We may,
however, fully believe that they had a hand in every revolt and
tumult within the Highland line from the battle of Harlaw down
to the Reformation. And what could have placed them in this
state of permanent rebellion to law and order ? We believe they had
suffered at one time a loss of patrimonial rights and status, which made
them savage against authority and feudal tenures ; and that loss could
only have taken place in the reign of Robert Bruce, when the King's
lands, watered by the Tay, began to be given out under feudal charters.
It does not at all follow, because after Bannockburn the leading family
is found planted in Glenorchy, that the clan had previously been there,
or that it was the original cradle of their race. The Macgregor chief-
tains were probably " Toiseachs," or captains, or kindly tenants of the
Crown on the King's lands, who, in the War of Independence struggle,
forfeited their duchas or patrimonial rights by going against Bruce and
righting on the side of Macdougal of Lome and the English King.
This theory of dispossession would account for the future history of the
clan, if it could be substantiated. It would also supply a reason for
the somewhat curious anomaly of the clan being found chiefly in Perth-
shire at later dates, while the chieftains lived in Glenorchy. Mr.
Donald Gregory assumed, indeed, that the "John of Glenorchy"
living in 1286-94 was a Macgregor chief, but that John and his succes-
sors, we believe, were not Macgregors at all, but cadets of the house
of Macdougal of Lome ; and if Macdougals and Macgregors fought
shoulder to shoulder during the Brucian war, it might be well expected
that the "Toiseach" driven out of Perthshire should get refuge and
land from the Macdougals, where his services would be of most avail
to their faction. Mac Gilliondaig, " am fear dan," is really the most
reliable and oldest authority we have in regard to the traditional his-
tory handed down from generation to generation among the clan them-
selves. Now Mac Gilliondaig begins his song by asserting that from
the beginning of their order " Toisichean " were the equals of feudal
lords or barons— the lairds of subsequent times :—

"Buaidh Thighearn air thoisichibh
A ta o thus an cinne."

Mac Gilliondaig says nothing about the Royal descent which is so

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 325

prominently put forward afterwards, but he distinctly refers the origin
of the race back to Gallew, or Galloway. He mentions first that they
took the beginning of their inheritance or fame — the word is uncertain
— from that place, and in the concluding lines of his song he calls
Malcolm

" Mac Griogair bos barr chorcuir,
Mac Derwail buidhe o Ghallew."

The fictions of the genealogists of the sixteenth and seventeenth cent-
uries— which culminated in the charter impositions of that perversely
ingenious scholar, George Earl of Cromarty — were so many and so
gross that we are now-a-days too much disposed to overlook the nug-
gets of true facts and clues to historical difficulties which can be found
in the earlier and more trustworthy clan traditions. All unwritten tra-
ditions jumble things considerably together and make havoc with chron-
ology, but yet there is generally an element of truth to be found in
every popular tradition which came down from of old, and was not ad-
opted from side sources like the mistakes of outside histories and the falla-
cies of antiquaries. It is quite possible, with the help of Mac Gilliondaig's
references to the Gallowegian origin of the Macgregors to make out a
fair historical case for their connection and probable kinship with Ken-
neth and Alpin, although not at all for their descent from these princes.
Mr. Skene proves very clearly that Kenneth and his father were very
closely associated with the Gael of Galloway and Carrick, and that it
was from that region they obtained their armies. What could be more
natural and more politic for Kenneth, therefore, when he obtained the
throne of Scone, than to put his own soldiers and friends as kindly
tenants on the Crown lands ? and if he did so, we need not be surprised
that afterwards, as long as that settlement lasted, they had no history
of their own ; for their history would be merged in that of the King's,
whose Household Troops they were. These kindly tenants were, in
fact something more than the King's bodyguard, for they were all that
represented a standing army. It was only on great occasions that the
array of the Kingdom was mustered, but without a competent force
always at hand the kings could not have done, in those rough times,
the work they did. But tenants so exercised in the use of arms from
generation to generation would become a military caste with hereditary
instincts for fight, and when driven by their own fault or mistake into
revolt, they would be sure to give much trouble, and fight against fate
for old customs and forfeited privileges. The supposition that the

326 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Macgregors were old kindly military tenants of the Crown, who for
four hundred and sixty years enjoyed their Celtic customs, and
that having taken the wrong side in the War of Independence they for-
feited their " duchas," and saw themselves displaced by feudal pro-
prietors, accounts for their after conduct, and the hankering for rever-
sion to a past and irrecoverable state of things which threw them, as
free lances or allies on the sides of rebels like Macdonald of the Isles,
Neil Stewart of Garth, the Earl of Huntly, and scores of other troublers
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and which later on made them
strong adherents of the Stuart cause, although in the days gone by they
had given the sovereigns of that House infinite trouble.

Mac Gilliondaig says of Duncan the Little that he left as an inherit-
ance to Clan Gregor their heroism : —

Dh'fhag mar chuid dilib

Do Chloinne Ghriogair an gaisge.

But what kind of heroism ? That of spoiling. Duncan the little, he
says, was " great by his spoils." English invasions, the captivity of
the King, and the other chaotic troubles of David Bruce's reign must
have afforded a man of Duncan's turn a fine opportunity for exercising
his talents. But general history takes no notice of him nor of his suc-
cessors in the next century, who also, the bards tell us, gained cattle
and gold by the heroism of spoliation. This silence of history, we
think, must be due to the fact that they fought as free lances under the
banners of feudal chiefs. In the sixteenth century they changed their
tactics and took to fighting and foraying openly on their own hand.
The chief, Black John, who died in 1529, married a young wealthy
widow — Helen Campbell, daughter of Colin of Glenorchy — whom he
captured by force and fraud. But if he " ravished " Helen she forgave
him, and probably had he lived longer he would have settled down as
a steady going feudal laird. He died unfortunately, leaving an infant
son, Alexander, who fell under the influence of his relative, that wildest
of all the wild Macgregors, Donnacha Ladosach — Duncan Laidus of
the Testament satire — and so the young chief took to a life of atrocities,
which included such events as the slaying of twenty-six Balquhidder
Maclaurins in Passion week, the burning of the Royal hunting lodge
of Trochree, and many slaughters, captures, and raids. The chief
died and Duncan disappeared — by "justification" of law — between
1546 and 1551. Alexander left a young son, Gregor — "Griogair ban
nan basa geala '' of the most pathetic of all laments — who married a

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 327

daughter of the Laird of Glenlyon, Donnacha Ruadh na feile. Gregor
was chief, alias " Laird Macgregor," when he and his clan were taken
in hand for their "oppressions" by Queen Mary. Gregor was a hero in
the opinion of more people than his devoted wife ; but the wildness of
his blood prevailed, and after several opportunities for amendment
had been given him, he was hunted down by the feudal array of most
of Perthshire and Argyllshire, and brought to the block at Kenmore
in 1 570. His last misdeeds were the slaughter and oppression of people
of his own clan who refused to pay him chief's calpa and follow him
in his raids. This trouble was not a new one. When Duncan Ladosach
acted as tutor for the former chief he " warred with his own nation,"
that is, with peaceful, law abiding Macgregors who refused to be led
into the commission of enormities, and placed themselves under the
protection of the law and their feudal proprietors.

DONNACHIADH RUADH NA FEILEACHD (PAGE 12).

The notice of Hospitable Red Duncan's death is almost the last entry
in The Chronicle of Fortingall began by Sir James MacGregor, vicar of
Fortingall and Dean of Lismore, about 1500, and continued by his
curate. The old scribe who wrote Duncan's obituary notice was a
Roman Catholic, but while knowing that the dead laird had "followed
the sect of the heretics," he expressed a strong hope in regard to his
salvation, because he was a hilarious soul and a cheerful giver.

CAILEAN GORACH AND THE ABRAICH (PAGE 15).

I know I had some proof once of Glenlyon having suffered there
several times during Colin Gorach's time from Clanranald and Glencoe
raiders. I have lost the reference. Probably the first time was when
Carnban Castle was set on fire. The following entry in the Register
of the Privy Council records the second raid, which happened a year
or two before that conducted by Dougal which ended in the capture
of the spoilers and their wholesale execution : —

"St. Andrews, August 20, 1583.— Complaint of Colin Campbell ot
Glenlyon, as follows :— Alexander McCreland, John Dow M'Creland,
Alexander McAine Dow Mhic Kreneld, Neil McConeill Mhic Coneill,
Alexander McAmemiss, Angus McAn Dow, Donald Mclnnuss, Alex-
ander McAlexander McGorrie, John Dow McConeill McCreneW

2/7 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

Alexander McCain McAin Mhic Coneill, Donald McGerrie, William
McConeill Mhic Gorme, Ewin McAin Mhic Coneill, John Dow
McNeill Mhic Harther, Fercher Dow McConeill Mhic Alster, Donald
McArther, John Dow McConeill McNeill, Rory McConeill Mhic Neill,
Lachlan McTerlich Mhic Lachlin, — Nocheroy, John Mclnlay Roy,
John Dow Mclnoss, with their complices, to the number of three score
persons or thereby, with bow, darloch, and other weapons invasive,
came upon the 24th day of June last bypast, by the break of day, and
masterfully reft, spulzied, and away took from the said complainer,
and Duncan Reoch, John Glass McEvin McDonald Dowy, and Don-
ald McConald Reoch, hisjservants, furth of his lands of Glenlyon and
Glencalyie, four score head of ky, eleven horses and mares, together
with the whole insight and plenishing of their houses; as also they not
satiated with the said open oppression committed by them as said
is, struck and dang the women of the said lands, and cutted the hair
of their head. — Charge having been given to the persons complained
of to appear and answer under pain of rebellion, and they not appear-
ing, while the complainer appears by James Campbell of Ardkinglas,
his procurator, the Lords order all the culprits to be denounced rebels."
When Colin was asked after the slaughter if he would put his hand
to, that is sign, a statement confessing his guilt, he replied at once that
he would put his hand and foot to the confession in question. " An
cuir sibh ar lamh ris an aideachadh so ? '' asked the limb of the law
who was sent" on the rather perilous errand. " Cuiridh, cuiridh, a
laochain, an da chuid ma lamh's mo chas,' replied Colin, without
hesitation.

CAILEAN GORACH IN SEARCH OF A WIFE.

Colin, when he succeeded his father— hospitable Duncan, friend of
bards— in 1579, had a higher character than most of the rough barons
of the time. His education had not been neglected. In the wars of
his time he had displayed warrior qualities which attracted the notice
of the men at the head of affairs. But it would seem he " got a clour
on the head" in one of the encounters connected with the Lennox-
Arran period of confusion, which unbalanced his mental equilibrium
without at all interfering with the occasional display of great cleverness,
and the constant possession of a defensive and offensive capacity, com-
bined with acute cunning, which made him dangerous to his foes and

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 329

sometimes to his friends. In 1585 Colin was a widower. He had
just finished building his Castle of Meggernie, and thought he should
marry another wife. His first wife had been a daughter of Cailean
Liath of Glenorchy, and therefore a second cousin of his own. Ex-
cept in the matter of his wholesale revenge on the Abraich, mentioned
before, Colin's madness had been kept within bounds as long as his
first wife lived. She was not very long in the grave before he tried to
fill her vacant place by the outrageous wooing described in the follow-
ing complaint recorded in the Register of the Privy Council-.—

"Falkland, September 16, 1587.— Complaint of Dame Agnes Sin-
clair, Countess of Errol, as follows : — While in October last, she was
living quietly in Inchestuthill, Colin Campbell of Glenlyon, with con-
vocation of men, bodin in feir of weir, to the number of one hundred,
came to the said place under cloud and silence of night, and after they
had assieged the same a certain space, they treasonably raised fire at
the gates thereof, where through she was constrained, for fear of the
fury of fire, and for the preservation of her own life, to come forth ; at
which time the said Colin Campbell and his complices put violent
hands on the said complainer, revissed her (took her forcibly away,
abducted her) and led her as captive and prisoner with them the space
of twelve miles, of intention to have used her according to his filthy
appetite and lust, or otherwise to have used some extremity against
her; and had not failed so to have done, were it not by the providence
of God she was delivered and freed of him by the Earl of Athole and
his servants. Like as at that same time they cruelly hurt and wounded
Alexander Hay, her servant, with a sword upon the hand, and John
Mernis, another of her servants, with an arrow upon the face. The
Countess of Errol appearing by John Bisset, her servant and procura-
tor, but Colin Campbell failing to appear, the Lords order him to be
denounced rebel."

Dame Agnes Sinclair was a daughter of the Earl of Caithness who
died in 1583, and the widow of Andrew, Earl of Errol, who died in
1585. She was Earl Andrew's second wife. He was a man above
fifty when he died, Dame Agnes was probably only half her old lord's
age. Very soon after Mad Colin's attempt to abduct her she married
Alexander Gordon, Strathdon, and removed to the neighbourhood of
Aberdeen. They had indeed a long litigation about the possession of
a house in Aberdeen itself, and had to give caution they would not in-
jure their opponents by taking the law into their own hand, After be-

330 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

ing put to the horn in September, 1587, Cailean Gorach "remained
contempnanlie unrelaxed." So the Countess obtained letters, charging
him and the keepers of his dwelling houses (the castles of Meggernie
and Carnban) to render the same to the executioner of the said
letters, and also ordering him to enter within the castle of Black-
ness within a certain time under the pain of treason. He dis.
obeyed of course, and then the Countess craved and obtained his
Majesty's commission for pursuit of him by fire and sword. Surely
the madman will now yield and make atonement meet. He is not,
like law breakers in the distant Highlands and the Isles, beyond the
reach of justice. He lives within fifty miles both of Stirling and of
Perth. The King himself comes every year to hunt the deer in the
forest of Mamlorn, which lies across the heads of Glenlochay, Glen-
lyon, and Glenorchy. Yes, but there's the rub. It is just because the
King knows him very well that Cailean Gorach is never brought to
real stern account for his misdeeds and contemptuous conduct. King
James fell very early into the bad habit of interfering with the course
of justice, and of assuming to himself the dispensing power which
completed the national indictment against his grandson and namesake,
and more than anything else caused the removal of the Stuart dynasty.
We find the Lords of the Council over and over again, as in the case
of Cailean Gorach, declaring the royal intervention null and void, and
yet unable in most cases, when the King himself did not repent of his
hasty action, to set the crooked straight. On July 2ist, 1591, six
years after the attempt to abduct her, the relentless Countess com-
plains to the Council that to stay the commission of fire and sword,
Colin Campbell of Glenlyon, " by the means of some shameless and
indiscreet persons, preferring their own private gain and commodity
to His Highness's honour, privily, without his Majesty's knowledge "
— a mere lie for decency's sake — " obtained a letter under the King's
subscription and signet relaxing him from the horn for any cause by-
gone. In justice to the complainers, and others having action against
him, and also for relieving his Highness of the daily fasherie of indis-
creet and inopportune suitors of such like letters," the Countess,
through her procurator, urged " the said letter ought to be declared
null." Colin was charged to appear and produce the privy letter of
relaxation. He failed, as usual, to obey. The Countess and her
spouse appeared by James Harvie, their procurator and the Lords
" decerned the said letter of relaxation to have been surreptiti-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 331

ously obtained of his Majesty, and therefore to be null, and ordained
the said letters of horning, caption, and treason against Colin Camp-
bell of Glenlyon, and the commission following thereupon, to be put to
further execution in all points."

Most of Cailean Gorach's pranks were more amusing than danger-
ous. On one occasion, perhaps in connection with the Countess of
Errol's process, he gave a splendid funeral to two sheriff-officers who
served writs upon him. Colin took the papers without demur, gave
the limbs of the law a good dinner, and then, binding them on biers
like dead bodies, and calling his men and pipers together, he marched
at the head of the mocking procession, to the wail of the bag-pipes,
for ten miles, until he finally hurled biers and occupants, without any
danger to the latters' lives or limbs, in Alt-a-Ghobhlain, the burn
which bounded his barony. Some thirty years ago I asked an old
Glenlyon man, after he had related to me a whole string of Cailean
Gorach's pranks, whether he was not in the end placed under restraint.
His reply was : — "Cha deach Cailean riamh a chuir an laimh. Bha'n
Righ na charaid's na chul-taic dha. 'Sa Mhoire ! bu duine aoidheil,
fialaidh, fiachail Cailean, agus ge do chaidh cartuathal na cheann am
meadhon aois gu latha a bhais cha d' fhuair mac mathar a chuid a b'
fhearr dhe."

CAILEAN GORACH RAIDING.

After the entry of 1591, we find nothing more in the Privy Council
Register about the process of the Countess of Errol. It is doubtful
whether she ever got any satisfaction. It is quite certain the commission
of fire and sword was never executed. But in the years 1589 and 1590
Cailean Gorach was one of the most conspicuous actors in the feudal
war between Lord Ogilvie of Airlie and the Earl of Argyle — Lord
Ogilvie puts Colin and his brother Archibald and Donald M'Tarlich,
from the Laird of Glenorchy's bounds, down among his chief foes in
the war which, he says, wrecked his house. And here follows a special
complaint, which proves that in feudal war, if not in forays, Colin
could snap up cattle as well as the Glencoe and Clanranald men, who
had swept the Glenlyon sheilings a few years earlier : —

" Holyrood House, Nov. 5, 1591.— Complaint by William M'Nicol
in Little Fortour, as follows : — In the beginning of the late troubles
between the Earl of Argyll and Lord Ogilvie, when the broken men of
Argyll and other parts of the Hielands came down within Angus, the

332 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

complainer was spuilyied of all his goods, including sheep, nolt, and
horses, with the exception of 70 cows and oxen only, which he sent to
Glenshie for safety. But Colin Campbell of Glenlyon, being adver-
tised hereof, associated unto himself forty of the said broken men and
sorners, and came to Glenshie, where he violently reft and away took
the said 70 cows and oxen ; and although the complainer has often
craved restitution, yet the said Colin not only avows the deed and
refuses restitution, but schores (threatens) him with further injury and
malice, where through he, being sometimes an honest householder
and entertainer of a great household and family, is now brought to
misery and poverty. The complainer appearing personally, Colin
Campbell of Glenlyon, for failing to appear, was denounced rebel."

Colin's sister was the wife of that Gregor Macgregor, chief of his
clan, who, in consequence of peremptory orders from the Regent and
Council, was hunted down by the array of Athole and Breadalbane in
1570, and executed at Kenmore in presence of the Earl of Athole,
Justice-General, and of the whole baronage of the district. Duncan
Roy of Glenlyon and Colin, his son, were obliged to be present with
the rest, and the Macgregor's heart-broken widow, in her pathetic
song to her babe, thus spoke of father and brother : —

" 'S truagh nach robh m'athair ann an galar
Agus Cailean ann am plaigh."

She was unjust in her grief. Her father and her brother were true
and kind friends to herself and her two boys, Alexander and John,
after the storm. The boys were brought up wisely and well until
Ewen, their clan tutor, took them away from Glenlyon, at their grand-
father's death, and initiated them into the wild ways of their predeces-
sors. The barbarous murder of John Drummond, one of his Glen-
artney foresters, in 1589 — roused an unusual flame of vindictive
animosity in the usually placid breast of King James, which made
the second persecution of the clan Gregor hotter than the first one.
But Cailean Gorach would not join in the hunting down, although
the persecuted had, in an accidental fray, brought about, it was sus-
pected, by the machinations of Glenorchy, killed three of his men.
He befriended not only his sister's sons, the young chief Allastair and
Ian Dubh his brother, but went out of his way, and used all sorts of
pncommon devices to protect the whole persecuted surname. Many
of them lurked in the rocks and corries of his rugged hills, for the
unrsuers remembered the fate of the Abraich raiders, and disliked in-

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 333

vading the clever madman's lands, even under the royal commission.
As it was " broken men" he had with him in the Glenshee affair, and
as the lifting of Nicol's cattle was not a thing in Colin's own line, we
may conclude that " broken " Macgregors had their fingers in that pie
pretty deeply, and so repaid Colin's previous kindness to them. But
his nephew and the Clan Gregor, as a whole, had nothing to do with
the feudal war between Ogilvie and Argyle.

FIGHTING TO THE LAST.

Colin died at the end of 1596, or in the early part of 1597. We
get our last glimpse of him in the following entry in the Privy Council
Register : —

" Edinburgh, July 22, 1596.

Complaint by Sir Duncane Campbell of Glenurquhy, forester of the
forest of Mayne Lome (properly Mam-Lorne), as follows : — Coline
Campbell of Glenlyoun, Donald M'Conachy Vic Coniland, Donald
Mllnstalker, John M'Veane, John M'Vean, his brother John M'Robert

M'Kinly, M'Robert Graseche, John M'Gillichrist Duncan Reoch,

and Donald Reoch his son, yearly in the summer seasoun comis and
repairis to the said forest, biggis sheillis within and aboute the same,
and remains the maist parte of the summer seasoun at the said forest,
schuiting and slaying in grite nowmer the deir and wylde beastis
within the same forest, and will not be stayed thairfra in tyme coming,
unless commission be given to the said complener to destroy, dimoleis
and cast doun the saidis scheillis. — Sir Duncane appearing by Mr.
John Archibald, his procurator, and Coline Campbell appearing by his
son, the Lords grant commission to the complainer to the effect fore-
said, because the said Coline, by his procurator, could show no cause
in the contrary, and none of the other defenders had appeared to
make any defence in the matter."

RUAIG GHALLU (PAGE 36.)

The Caithness name for this fight between the Campbells and the
Sinclairs is " The battle of Altnamarlach," of which a Caithness cor-
respondent gave the subjoined account in the Northern Chronicle of
July ist, 1885.—

The following does not pretend to be an exact historical account of
the last of Scottish battles, fought for private ends and personal
purposes, but is merely a reproduction of the legendary information

334 THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON.

concerning that event which still lingers in Caithness. It might be
interesting if any one acquainted with Breadalbane traditions could
supply some account of the combat, as common in that district in the
present day, or even " within the memory of man." By such means
light might be thrown on some particulars now obscure, and a stepping-
stone made for more extended investigation.

Campbell of Glenorchy and Sinclair of Keiss were rivals for the title
of Earl of Caithness, and for the then extensive estates which went there-
with. As Keiss continued resolutely to oppose Campbell's pretensions,
the latter invaded Caithness with a force said to have consisted of five
hundred Campbells and Macintyres, and sixty regular troops. The
scabbard of a sabre — not of a claymore — was, some years ago, dug up
on the site of the engagement, the form of which would seem to point
to the presence of the regular military. This sheath, which was made
of steel, had evidently been used to ward off the sweep of a broad-
sword, and had been deeply cut into. The blade which it had en-
closed must have been of extraordinary breadth, with a very decided
curve — not at all such a weapon as we are in the habit of associating
with the Highlander of the period.

This expedition of five hundred and sixty men was commanded by
Robert Campbell of Glenlyon. Some accounts say that the invading
force took shipping, and made the journey to Caithness by sea, and
that not without danger of shipwreck in the Pentland Firth. Others
maintain that the Campbells employed but one vessel, for the tran-
sport— not of men, but of whisky. This ship was judiciously wrecked
near Wick, where Keiss had drawn together some Sinclairs, Gunns,
and others, into whose hands the spirits fell, with results which did
not tend to their advantage in the day of battle. If the first account
be correct, the place where the expedition landed must have been
Berriedale or its vicinity, for it seems to be very generally admitted that
the Campbells encamped, during their first night in Caithness, at
feraemore, where the Gunns supplied them with fodder for their horses.
This hospitality was ill requited, for, so runs a tradition common in
Strathmore, the invaders, on resuming their march, drove off numerous
cattle belonging to their entertainers. Gunn of Braemore was at the
time confined to his bed, suffering from fever, but when he heard of
the treatment his people had received, he took horse, and, with as
many men as he could gather on the spur of the moment, made a
rapid march after the Campbells, and managed to cut off and secure
the captured cattle, \vithout sustaining any very severe loss. The

THE LAIRDS OF GLENLYON. 335

night during which the strangers encamped at Braemore (nth August,
1680) was ushered in by a hard and unseasonable frost, which is still
spoken of by old people as the natural accompaniment of the Camp-
bells, whose chieftain is from that circumstance sometimes referred to
as "grey frosty John."

Next evening saw the invaders encamped near the Hill of Tannoch,
near Wick, to reach which they must have undertaken a long and
weary march, through bogs and mires, bad enough at the present day,
but which must have been infinitely softer and more watery in the
seventeenth century, when road making and draining were unknown
sciences.

Early next morning, the Campbells moved on the burn of Altnamar-
lach, posting a number of men on the high ground towards Wick, as
if they were the whole force, while the main body remained hid in a
neighbouring hollow, ready to start up and take the Sinclairs in flank
at any moment when such might appear necessary.

Keiss had but 400 men under his banner, few of whom were very fit
for the impending shock, as their brains were not yet clear from the
effects of their late debauch. Drawing up in some sort of order, a
stiff dram was served out to the clansmen, who then advanced, hearing
that the Campbells were in motion as if intending to march on the
hamlet of Keiss. This movement, however, was but a feint, taken
part in by but a few, its real purpose being but to draw the Sinclairs
into the ambush near the burn. This manoeuvre had the desired
effect, for Keiss immediately ordered an attack. The Caithness men
found no difficulty in sweeping before them that part of the enemy's
forces which stood in the way and was visible. Having no knowledge
of the reinforcements in their immediate neighbourhood, Sinclair's
men pursued the flying Campbells into the hollow, where the reserves,
leaping upon the pursuers, turned victory into panic-stricken rout.
Bullet, broadsword, and arrow followed the unfortunate adherents of
Keiss down the glen, and over the sluggish stream of Wick, the channel
of which was so choked by the slain and wounded, that the victors
passed dry-shod over the river, and continued to cut down the flying
Caithness men for some distance on the other side of the water.
Sinclair of Keiss, seeing that all was lost, rode off the ground, at-
tended by a few gentlemen who remained faithful to him. Thus
ended the Culloden of Caithness.

Campbell, Duncan

880 The Lairds of Glenlyon

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